The richer provinces in the Soudan might prosper very much faster if they were allowed to devote the whole of their own revenues to the development of their own resources. But, of course, the whole receipts have to go into the common purse, and then be doled out again in the interests of the country as a whole. Naturally, there is a tremendous fight every year between the Mudirs, who are responsible for the provincial budgets, and the central Treasury. Two provinces stand out prominently in the matter of profits—Kordofan and Dongola. Dongola had pride of place at first, but then Kordofan passed in a stride, through the revival of the gum trade. But Dongola is still a good second, in spite of her railway difficulties, through the date-tax and the land-tax. Two-thirds of the whole amount raised by this latter tax is supplied by her. Halfa Province, or, rather, District, also shows a good profit by means of the land and date taxes. The Ghezireh Province, the kernel of the Soudan, makes a favourable appearance. Sennar just pays its way. The others all show a deficit. Khartoum, of course, stands in a different category, as also Suakin. But Berber and Kassala may soon be expected to redeem themselves. Fashoda is as yet very undeveloped, and naturally the Bahr el Ghazal, only just occupied, comes well at the bottom of the list. That this order of financial merit will be maintained unchanged is most unlikely.
It will be noticed that the estimated deficit for 1903 was some £E390,000, and this is Egypt’s contribution towards the current expenses of the year. The same sum was contributed in 1902, and it has been agreed that this subsidy shall be continued at the same figure for some years to come. The approximate amounts so expended in former years were: 1899, £E385,000; 1900, £E417,000; and the same in 1901. On the basis of this contribution, which is called ‘Insuffisance,’ the estimates for the Soudan are drawn up. Considering all the difficulties in the way of accurate calculations, it speaks well for the Soudan officials that their expectations have been so nearly realized. In 1899 and 1900, when the accounts were finally made up, there were found to be deficits of £E23,000 and £E40,000. But in 1901 the finances of the country took a great turn for the better, and, although expenditure exceeded the estimate, this excess was so much overbalanced by unforeseen increase of receipts that sufficient surpluses were realized in 1901 and 1902 to make good the deficiencies of the two previous years. During the years 1899-1903 Egypt has therefore expended close upon £2,000,000 in these annual grants; she has also paid over, partly as special credits and partly as loans, another £1,000,000 for capital expenditure on railways and telegraphs, as already mentioned. There are deductions to be made from this sum of £3,000,000 in calculating the actual cost imposed on Egypt by the Soudan; but as these are the actual amounts on which the Soudan Budget is calculated, they must be set down here.
It sounds, perhaps, a strange thing to say that the Soudan finances are in a sound condition when such sums have to be contributed by Egypt, but such is certainly the fact. The great feature is the recuperative power of the country, so markedly displayed since 1901, and there can be no doubt that if, with Egypt’s help, the two principles of low taxation and irrigation can be steadily applied, they will produce, if not as great, yet a similar result to that which they have produced in Egypt itself.
CHAPTER XXII
THE COST OF THE SOUDAN TO EGYPT
The Nile Valley presents some peculiar examples of political organization. At one end of it is Uganda, a British Protectorate under the administration of the Foreign Office. At the other is Egypt, nominally an independent despotism, tempered by international Boards of Control in several departments, notably finance, and paying tribute to a suzerain Power—Turkey—but in the military occupation of England. Between comes the Soudan, where, except at Suakin, the British and Egyptian flags fly side by side. It is ruled by a Governor-General, joint representative of the King and the Khedive, whose acts have to be approved by the British Consul-General at Cairo, and it is jointly occupied by the troops of both Powers. If it is difficult to decide upon the exact position of Egypt, what shall be said of the Soudan? International jurists have in it a fair field of problems on which to exercise their wits, not to mention the peculiar status of the Lado enclave. But whatever imaginary difficulties may be conceived, one thing is certain: the hoisting of the British flag leaves no doubt of the fact that the Soudan is not in any way a part of the Turkish Empire. The difficulties and complications which have been caused in Egypt by the Capitulations and the consequences derived from them definitely cease with the boundaries of Egypt. It is easy to see that those who framed the Convention of 1899 were thoroughly determined on this. Article VIII. lays down that the mixed tribunals shall not extend to the Soudan, except Suakin, and, to further preclude any chance of international trouble, it is expressly stated that no Consuls or other foreign representatives shall be permitted in the Soudan without His Britannic Majesty’s consent, and that no special privileges shall be accorded to the subjects of any one or more Powers to trade, reside, or hold property, within the limits of the Soudan.
Otherwise, there was no reason why the Soudan should not have been placed in exactly the same position as Egypt, whatever that may be. In every other respect it is, in fact, in the same position as though the Egyptian flag flew alone, especially in the matter of cost. When the British taxpayer is looking at a map of the world in order to get some satisfaction for his Imperial expenditure, and casts his eyes over Africa, he doubtless comforts himself with the reflection that in the Soudan England governs, but Egypt pays, and wishes that other portions of the Empire were managed on similar principles. England governs, and Egypt pays, but the division of labour is not unfair. If the Egyptian finds it hard to realize the meaning of a veiled Protectorate, the more unsophisticated Soudanese would find it totally impossible. The flag is a visible symbol which appeals to him directly, and contributes largely to the maintenance of peace. Many a tribe submits contentedly to British dominion, which would indignantly scout the idea of submission to Egypt alone. As a matter of fact, the British Government does contribute something in money, for it bears the cost of the British battalion at Khartoum and its barracks. Still, it is to the Egyptian Treasury, and not the British, that the Soudan has to look, and it is worth while to estimate rather closely the sums which Egypt has to find, and the advantages which it gains in return.
The cost of the Soudan Campaign from the opening of the Dongola Campaign in 1896 to February, 1899, was £2,345,345, made up as follows:
| £ | |
|---|---|
| Railways | 1,181,372 |
| Telegraphs | 21,825 |
| Gunboats | 154,934 |
| Military expenditure | 996,223 |
| Total | £2,345,345 |
Since then, up to the end of 1903, the ordinary expenditure of Egypt in the Soudan has been, as was shown, about £2,000,000, and the capital expenditure about another £1,000,000. In other words, the Soudan has cost Egypt nominally about £600,000 a year for the last five years.