I have stated in a note that the Caubul prisoners, before their removal to Bameean, had been joined by their fellow-captives from Ghuznee. Some idea of the sufferings of the latter may be derived from the following passages of Lieutenant Crawford’s Narrative: “Every little thing we had managed to secure, such as watches, penknives, money, &c., was taken from us, and we were strictly confined to a small room, eighteen feet by thirteen. In it there were ten of us. * * * When we lay down at night we exactly occupied the whole floor; and when we wanted to take a little exercise we were obliged to walk up and down (six paces) by turns. Few of us had a change of linen, and the consequence was we were soon swarming with vermin, the catching of which afforded us an hour’s employment every morning. I wore my solitary shirt for five weeks, till it became literally black and rotten. * * * On the 7th of April we heard of Shah Soojah’s death, and from that date the severities of our confinement were redoubled. They shut and darkened the solitary window from which we had hitherto derived light and air, and they also kept the door of our room constantly closed, so that the air we breathed became perfectly pestiferous. On the 21st of the month they tortured Colonel Palmer with a tent-peg and rope in such a manner that it is wonderful he ever recovered the use of his foot. I cannot in a letter explain the process of the torture, but we all witnessed it, and it was something on the principle of the Scotch boot described in ‘Old Mortality.’ * * * In the end of April our guards suddenly became particularly civil to us for a few days, and we found that they had a report of the advance of our troops. * * * On the 12th of May we were permitted to quit our prison-room, and walk on the terrace of the citadel for one hour. * * * Just at this period (June 15) one of our number, Lieutenant Davis, 27th N. I., had sickened with typhus fever. We had no medicines, no comforts for him, and he lay on the ground delirious, raving about home and his family, and every hour proving worse, till, on the 19th, death put an end to his sufferings. We read the burial service, and then made his body over to the guard to bury; but I am afraid they merely flung the poor fellow into a ditch outside the gate. On the following day we were removed to another building, where we had three or four rooms to ourselves, and a court-yard to walk about in. This was a delightful change. From this date the conduct of Shumshoodeen towards us improved greatly. * * * It was on the 19th of August, we had, as usual, wrapped ourselves up in our cloaks, and taken lodgings on the cold ground for the night, when the chief suddenly entered the yard, and told us we were to march immediately for Caubul; and sure enough in half an hour we found ourselves moving towards the capital. * * * We went direct to Mahomed Akbar’s quarters in the Balla Hissar, and from him we met with the kindest reception. He bade us be of good cheer, as our future comfort would be his care, and we should find ourselves treated like officers and gentlemen. * * * We found our countrymen living in what appeared to us a small paradise. They had comfortable quarters, servants, money, and no little baggage, and a beautiful garden to walk in.”

THE ALLEGED EXCESSES AT CAUBUL.

[Book IX., chapter 3, page 360.]

ABSTRACT TRANSLATION OF A LETTERFROM GHOLAM MAHOMED KHAN, THEWUZEER, AND KHAN SHEREEN KHANTHE KUZZIL-BASH CHIEF, TO THEADDRESS OF GENERAL POLLOCK, C.B.REMARKS BY GENERAL NOTT.
A.C.
On the 14th of Shah Bau(20th September) the inhabitantsof Aushar and Chardeh wereplundered by the Candahar force,and sustained loss of life andproperty(1): their women werenot respected. In the village ofDeh Dānā Causim, and in ZeibahShewan Khan, and at Chardeh,two persons were killed(2).The Ausharries are employed inyour service, in the rescue ofyour prisoners: if their housesare plundered and their people(3)killed, all confidence among thepeople will at once be destroyed.If it is your intention that protectionshould be afforded to thepeople, and to avail yourself ofour resources(4), redress shouldbe granted under our promisesof protection to the people returningto their homes.
—We are satisfied that it is notyour pleasure that the troopsshould behave in this manner(5).
—To-day, the 15th of Shau Bau(21st September), the armywhich was appointed to destroyMeer Hajee’s fort also destroyedthe property belonging to peopleof the neighbourhood: thesepeople should also have redressgranted them(6).
—If the English do not grantthem redress, the ryots(7) willfly from their homes, and theywill have no longer confidencein us.
—Just now news has reached usthat the Candahar force has encampedat Allaábád(8), whichbelongs to us, and where ourfamilies are lodged(9); the forcehas already plundered our grainand fruit(10).
—If your friends suffer in thisway, what may your enemiesexpect?(11) Those people whoreturned to the town are leavingit again.
—Redress should be speedilygranted, and Lamars should bestationed at each village for itsprotection(12).		1. This is unfounded, with theexception of a few worthlessarticles, stolen by surwans andgrass-cutters, for which they weremost severely punished.
—2. I never heard of two Afghanshaving been killed; butfour Europeans unarmed, walkingat a little distance fromcamp, were killed by thesemonsters.
—3. What people? The populationof this valley had left itbefore my force had arrived, andhave not been here since, withthe exception of a few individuals.
—4. Why are not these resourcesbrought in when an extravagantprice is offered forthem?
—5. This is a false assertion, forwhich the writer ought to beinstantly punished: the troopshave not behaved ill.
6. What this man means bythis I know not; no army, nodetachment was appointed byme to destroy a fort. I didhear that General Sale orderedone to be burnt, but whether hedid so or no I do not know; butif he did, I dare say he had goodreasons.
—7. I repeat that there are noryots in the villages. All mencapable of bearing arms are withdifferent chiefs, and there is noknowing the hour we may beattacked by them.
—8. Yes, I have encamped, andI can but admire the extremeinsolence of this man in presumingto object to it.
—9. This is false; there are nofamilies near the place.
–10. This is false; with theexception of fruit in the immediatevicinity of camp.
–11. We have not a friend inAfghanistan; and I know whatour enemies ought to expect fortheir cruelty, treachery, andbloody murders.
–12. What insolence in thisman, whose hands are still redwith the blood of our countrymen,to dictate how and wherewe are to place our troops!
–I cannot conclude my remarkson this document without offeringmy opinion that the writershould be instantly seized andpunished for sending such agrossly false and insolent statement.

W. Nott, M.-Gen.

Camp near Caubul, 22nd September, 1842.

Sir,—I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of this day’s date, and to acquaint you that I conceive that General Pollock, C.B., must have received some erroneous information. No army ever moved with fewer instances of plunder than that under my command, and not an instance of irregularity has occurred without punishment being inflicted. The persons who had made this complaint ought to be made to prove the truth of what they say. I believe the enemy (I mean Futteh Jung’s party and the rest of the people) are organising a system to bring our men to the same state of starvation to which General Elphinstone’s army was reduced, in hopes of the same results.

While I think it my duty to state this, I must declare that I will not, to please a few Afghans, who have scarcely washed their hands from the blood of our countrymen, allow my army to be destroyed, and my country to be dishonoured. There is grain in the country, and I think it ought to be brought in immediately, the same being paid for.

General Pollock’s order shall be proclaimed through my camp immediately, but I have not heard of a single act of plunder during the last twenty-four hours.

I have, &c.