I will not decide how far these reproaches are founded, but for my part I was convinced of their truth by everything I afterwards experienced, though without accusing one or the other minister personally of being the cause. In matters of state, success in most cases decides the value of an administration, in the present case it decided against it. When I acquired influence in affairs through the king's confidence, my design merely was to induce his Majesty to examine into them himself, and for this reason I believed it was necessary that the king should have about him other persons holding opinions opposed to those of the then existing ministry. If, afterwards, alterations and resolutions with this object followed more rapidly, this was caused rather by the personal sentiments of the king, and by accidental circumstances, than by any regular resolution or plan—at least, as far as concerned myself. With regard to the king's wishes successive steps were necessary, for his Majesty was more than too willing to undertake such changes. On my joining the king, I found his mind, temper, and inclination full of aversion from the ministry, and this always remained so. If, for my part, I did not try to change his sentiments so far as my conviction admitted, on the other hand, prior to the Holstein progress, I did not strive to imbue the king with any favourable idea of the persons belonging to the opposite party. It is well known that his Majesty, from the beginning of his reign, desired changes in the ministry. In addition to the above-mentioned dislikes, which were more or less impressed on the king's mind, his Majesty had others which he felt personally, as—1. The ministry attracted to themselves the prestige of the government, and nothing was left him but the title and burden of representation. 2. Affairs in Denmark were so confused and damaged, and the want of money was so great, that nothing good or great could be effected. 3. The influence of the foreign ministers was excessive, of which his Majesty had on several occasions obtained personal experience. 4. The Holstein negociation was onerous in the way it was carried on, and it had been employed at various times to divert the king from certain resolutions, when other reasons would probably have been sufficient and better. 5. Nothing could be more embarrassing to the king than to preside at the council twice a week, and I believe the reason for this lay in the fact that his Majesty, from his childhood, had felt a certain respect and sort of fear of it, which, in the course of time, had grown into a habit. As this feeling was not based on his confidence, while his real sentiments and the impressions received contradicted it, such a dislike could be easily aroused. The king would say at times, "When I am of a different opinion from the council, I at once notice a restlessness on all faces; solemn representations ensue, and I am obliged to hold my tongue." 6. The king had been spoken to at times about economy in matters affecting him personally, such as comedies, hunting, &c., and his Majesty believed that such an economy ought to be commenced in other outlays. And 7. The king was excessively displeased with the results of the Algerine expedition.
Such was the disposition of the king on his return from Holstein, and it may be easily supposed that those persons who had his ear did nothing to alter it. Their attention was principally directed to the effects and measures which the presence of Count von Rantzau would produce. Count von Bernstorff had handed in a memorial to the king on this subject at Traventhal. Count von Rantzau answered it, and declared that he would not interfere in the Holstein negociations, or attempt to oppose them; while, on the other hand, the former (Count Bernstorff) would seek to remove disagreeable impressions at the Russian court. Unfortunately, Count von Bernstorff alluded in his speeches, and on other occasions, to the enemies of the Russian alliance. This occasioned his dismissal, and the changes ensuing from it. I cannot remember that any special steps were taken to bring the latter about. With the king, as I have remarked, there were no difficulties to overcome: those persons to whom he listened at that time were prepared for the changes, and agreed in them. Nor can I state how far the remarks of those who were for the measure had an effect on the king's mind, especially with reference to Count von Rantzau. This I know, that at the time I read to his Majesty several letters and memorials about the general position of affairs; that I received considerable encouragement and support in the matter, and employed it in accordance with my convictions; that no one was formally consulted on the subject, and that the king prepared its execution and the arrangements himself in my presence. The king drew up all the measures in his own hand. At times I previously prepared rough drafts on the principal heads of an affair, which his Majesty altered or retained as he thought proper. More frequently, however, his Majesty wrote them out of his own head. The cabinet secretary corrected, and the king read, the document through once again ere it was copied and completed. I sealed the letters in the presence of the king in the cabinet. I rarely showed the rough drafts to any one beforehand, and if it took place, it was to Counts Rantzau and Brandt. People now entertained the best hopes that everything would go on well. The king worked with pleasure, and read everything connected with the affairs of state. In order to keep his Majesty to this, and to arrange the mode of his occupation in accordance with his taste, the following principles were adopted, and I always strove to act in accordance with them so far as it depended on myself:—
1. The king would retain the final decision in affairs.
2. All reports were to be made in writing, and the king's resolutions made known in the same way.
3. The officials would try to render their reports distinct, short, and free from divergences, in order that they might contain the material points alone, so that the different matters in which the king was to decide might be distinctly expressed and explained in the extract.
4. In cases where the king found it necessary to ask the advice of others, his Majesty would either take the opinion of the colleges, or appoint a commission for the purpose, but everything, as far as possible, was to be done by the ordinary departments.
5. The colleges would try, so far as the nature of the matter allowed, to discuss and report affairs in a similar form.
6. As the king did not wish to interfere in the details of carrying out affairs, but expected this to be done by the colleges, the latter were invited to follow the same style in business, to urge their subordinates to do the same, and to make the latter responsible.
7. Everything would be decided upon settled principles.