Reminiscences of Travel in Australia, America, and Egypt

by Sir Richard Tangye

Our dragoman, an intelligent Copt, fully corroborated Lord Granville’s statement. He said that all that the Egyptian people required was moderate taxation, certainty as to its amount and as to the time of its collection, and such a military law as would relieve them from the press-gang. He further said that before the institution of the Control, whenever the Khedive wanted a new ironclad, or a new palace, or half a dozen additional inmates for his harem, he ordered a new tax to be levied; this tax was sold to some of the rapacious pachas about the Palace, and resold by them to professional tax-gatherers. These wretches committed the greatest atrocities upon the miserable fellaheen, exacting the uttermost farthing under the threat, and often the actual application, of torture; “but now,” said my informant, “although the taxes are heavy, their amount is known, and they are collected in coin after the harvest has been gathered.”

The country was becoming very prosperous, and there was a surplus in the Treasury when, in February, 1881, a military riot broke out, originating in the arrest of certain Egyptian officers, among whom was the Colonel of the 1st Regiment. The officers of this regiment broke into the Council Room of the Ministry of War, ill-treated the Minister, and then, having released the prisoners, proceeded to the Khedive’s Palace, followed by the men of the regiment. In menacing tones they demanded the dismissal of the Minister of War, and redress for their grievances. Arabi Bey was one of the chief actors in this revolt. The Khedive was compelled to submit, the mutinous colonels were reinstated, and tranquillity was restored for the time.

The army officers were not long, however, in showing what their principal object was, for in a few weeks after the revolt, decrees were issued increasing the pay of the army and navy to the extent of nearly £60,000 a year. The Controllers-General had now become aware that everything was at the disposal of the military party, and that the Minister could not guarantee that the officers would not next day insist upon fresh financial concessions. The next demand made by the colonels was that nominations to vacant posts in regiments should rest with them, and this was granted. The object of all this was clear enough—indeed, Arabi declared at one of the meetings of the Commission that “he would not yield unconditional obedience to the War Minister.” As time went on fresh symptoms of disaffection broke out, all indicating the determination of the military party to throw off all control and restraint. In September the Ministry was dismissed at the instance of these same men, who throughout the remainder of the year continued a harassing series of turbulent outbreaks, gradually increasing in audacity, and more and more trenching upon matters of administration. They went so far as to demand an increase in the army, involving an annual addition to the estimates of £280,000, although the Controllers declared that not nearly half that amount was available.

The principal figure in all these outbreaks was Arabi, who steadily kept himself at the head of the disaffected party, and gradually increased his influence. After being appointed Under Secretary of War, then Chief Secretary, he was described by Sir E. Malet as having become “Arbiter of the destinies of the country.” In March he was made Pasha, and the Khedive was compelled to assent to a number of promotions by Arabi, who insisted on dispensing with the examination required by law for officers. In a word, the real power had become vested in the chiefs of the military party, and the objects of those chiefs were showing themselves more and more evidently to be, increase of the army, increase of pay and promotion of a large number of officers to high military rank—the desire of all such men in every country of the world.

In the following month Arabi caused numerous arrests to be made among the officers and soldiery in consequence of an alleged conspiracy to murder him. Among the prisoners was the Minister of War, who had been dismissed at the demand of the mutinous regiments in the previous February. The prisoners were tried by a court-martial—irregularly constituted—and the proceedings were kept secret, while no counsel were allowed for the defence. It was generally believed that torture had been used to extort confession. Forty officers were condemned to exile for life to the farthest limits of the Soudan. The Khedive, with great courage, refused to sanction the sentence, and issued a decree commuting it to simple banishment from Egypt.

In the meantime the excitement continued to increase, and the Governments of France and England decided to send a naval force to Alexandria for the protection of the interests of their subjects in Egypt. The combined fleet arrived at Alexandria on the 20th of May. On June 11th the great riot and massacre of Europeans took place, Arabi in the meanwhile erecting new earthworks and strengthening the forts, in spite of his repeated assurances to the contrary. On July 11th, the French fleet having withdrawn, and twenty-four hours’ notice having expired, Admiral Seymour opened fire on the forts, and after a few hours completely silenced them; not, however, without his ships having suffered considerably in the encounter.

The above is a sketch of Arabi’s career from the time of his first coming into public notice to the time when he became Dictator. He was at no pains to conceal his character as a military adventurer, and every successive step in his career proves him to have been no other. It is true that during the last few weeks he appeared to carry the country with him, which, however, is not difficult to account for, seeing that he was “master of the legions,” and that detachments of the army had been sent out into the highways and byways to compel men to come in at the point of the bayonet. In ordinary times it is no uncommon thing to see a chain-gang going through the streets of Egyptian towns composed, not of criminals, but of unhappy wretches brought in by the press-gang for service in the army, and should any of them falter in their steps through weariness or despair, the heavy stick of the driver is always ready to descend upon their shoulders. The only effect of the success of the movement headed by Arabi would have been the perpetuation and extension of this terrible state of things; and yet this is the man who has been persistently held up to the admiration of the world as a pure-minded patriot by a large section of what is called the Peace Party in England. In the towns Arabi and his agents worked upon the cupidity of the lower orders by telling them that he intended to drive the foreigners into the sea, and that their property should be given over to a general loot. In the country districts, where the fellaheen are ground down under the heel of the usurer—always a foreigner, as the Koran forbids usury—Arabi promised to cancel the village debts, and banish the usurers; [259a] while in Upper Egypt, where usury is less common, he appealed to Mohammedan fanaticism. But nowhere did he appeal to a national sentiment, [259b] until, indeed, by various devices, he had become absolute master of the country, when perhaps he thought he might say L’Etat, c’est moi.

CHAPTER XIV.

A wretched journey of over eight hours by rail brought us to Alexandria shortly before midnight. A fierce gale with rain prevailed during most of the journey, and owing to the dilapidated condition of the carriage, waterproofs were necessary to protect us from the rain, which, in spite of closed windows, found access to every part of the compartment. The line itself and the whole of the rolling stock, were in a miserable condition of disrepair, and utterly unfit for traffic.

The drive from the railway station to the Hotel Abbat gave us our first glimpse of the ruin wrought by the rioters. The raging storm and drenching sleet were singularly in accord with the scene of desolation and misery on every hand. After the long and cold railway journey, and the drive in the open vehicle from the station, we were in hopes of finding comfortable quarters in the hotel, but the wretchedness prevailing outside seemed to have penetrated into every corner of the establishment. It was impossible to get anything hot to eat, and the cold meats were most uninviting. The proprietor, expecting another train in about an hour, deferred serving even this cold cheer until its arrival. Meanwhile nothing remained for us but to try to warm ourselves by pacing up and down the scantily-furnished salle a manger.