Let me come to the point. Has England interfered with German trade? If she has, she has failed egregiously, for in spite of England’s supposed efforts German trade has increased and is increasing by leaps and bounds. But what signs of interference has England shown? Can your Pan-Germans point to a single instance? It is easy to write fiery articles, and to attribute ill-feeling or jealousy, to say Germany cannot come out in the sun because Britain “rules the waves,” to assert that Englishmen dislike and despise the Germans, and that we are jealous of German prosperity. This is not only foolish and unfriendly talk, but it is false from beginning to end. Instead of endeavouring to limit German trade our policy of the open door has had the effect of expanding it enormously. All our ports at home and in foreign waters, all our offices, shops, and industries are open, and educated Germans have taken great advantage of our policy both to their own and to our immense benefit. Wherever British industry or commerce flourishes there German merchants or manufacturers are found, and there they remain. In our own great cities, in those of our oversea dominions, as well as in our most distant settlements, the ubiquitous German flourishes, and is a welcome strength to the community. What more can England do to assist German trade and industry than she has done and is doing? How can it with any truth be said that England stops Germany from coming out into the sun? “Yes,” these Pan-Germans may say, “we grant that you are very kind, and give us a helping hand. That is, however, not good enough for Germany. We must stand alone. We insist upon having a Colonial Empire, an Oversea Dominion, a Deutschland über See, as you have in Australasia, Canada, and South Africa.”
Well, if these views were those of the German nation instead of that of a somewhat insignificant clique, and if Germany were to determine that at all hazards this wish must be fulfilled, the question would at once become of grave importance, because that would mean certain war with Britain, and probably with the United States. And for this reason England being a long consolidated great Power (Welt Macht), and having had the command of the sea, and her people having the faculty of successful colonization, has, for the last four hundred years at least, sent forth peaceful armies to annex and dwell in the most fruitful and habitable—but uncivilized—parts of the world. To such an extent has this movement been successful that nearly all the areas of land not already occupied by civilized man, and capable of being made a permanent home by Europeans, have been taken over by Englishmen or Americans, so that little space of the kind is left for the young and aspiring German nation to annex. Whether for good or for evil she has come too late for this game of grab, unless, indeed, she is so rash as to try to take land from those now in possession. This, of course, entails war, and war the damage of which—even if victorious on her side—no amount of land or gold could even in a small degree repay. As to the truth of this statement, consult the Credit Bankers of Berlin, and ask them what would be the condition of the Berlin Exchange the day after war was declared between Germany and England. I, for my part, do not believe that Germany or its people are gone mad, or likely to become so, and therefore I do not believe that Germany will ever try to wrest from England her Oversea Dominions or to invade the New World with the millions of armed men necessary to establish a Fatherland in the West.
Much has lately been said about Germany being over-populated. Her people increase by nearly one million souls yearly. “Some outlet for these millions must be found,” say the All-Deutsch. Is this so clear? The population of Germany is not nearly so dense as that of our own country or that of Belgium, and in both these countries the conditions of life are quite as favourable as those in the Fatherland. Moreover, is it not true that to-day thousands of workers from other lands are flocking to fill new posts created by the ever-increasing demand for labour in the German industries?
No! the high and glorious aim and true function of the German nation is not to try to conquer by the “mailed fist” either on land or sea, but to show how the world may be dominated by proving to mankind the grand results which accrue to civilization when a nation has both the power and the determination to carry out its high ideals. No other nation in either the Old or the New World possesses these ideals in such high degree, and is, therefore, so fully able and so well fitted to take the lead in this new departure as the German.
The old game of war is played out. It has become a disgraceful instead of a glorious one in the eyes of twentieth-century men. We look to Germany to show how a modern state is to be carried on for the greatest good of its own people so as to become an example to the rest. Take the opinions of your great men of Science—men of the stamp of Helmholtz—men who looked forward instead of backwards, and be guided by them. Ask them in what is national glory to consist in the coming centuries. Do not pin your faith on those who, like Treitschke, argue that because war has been, it must continue to be, men who preach the false doctrine that its influence is a purifying one, and a saving grace. These views are those of the past. They do not represent the present, still less the future opinion of mankind.
The time is now ripe, for has not Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg said on the part of the German people that the national slate is clean? It will be the greatest wickedness and folly of both nations if this appeal to the better feelings of the peoples is not welcomed and acted upon.
Let Germany pursue her ideals, and her actions will rule the world, because those ideals and actions make for peace and progress.
That there was a section—and a not inconsiderable section—of the German public to whom this appeal was not in vain was manifested by the publication in Stuttgart of a remarkable article on “World Supremacy or War,” written under the nom-de-plume of “Nostradamus.” This so impressed Roscoe that he translated it for the British-German Friendship Society—a society of influential persons who strove to stem the rising tide which broke down all barriers on that fateful day of August 1914. The purport of the article was to point out that the true policy of Germany was to seek an alliance with England. The writer admitted that we were the first to offer the hand of friendship, but that under Bülow’s régime it was declined. He further shows it was this circumstance that led England to seek alliances elsewhere—an action that was not only natural but essential to our well-being, and wholly due to the short-sighted policy of Germany. The pamphlet is too long to be quoted in full, but a few extracts, read in the light of what is happening, may be of interest.
World Supremacy or War.
… We have often enough declared that we never mean to attack England. Does any one imagine that a prudent nation will trust to such words when it comes to a question for her of to be or not to be? What is it those Britons see who have been following with interest for twenty years the events which have taken place in our country? A steady and continuous increase of armaments; a fleet born and growing each year more and more rapidly; a ruler who is restlessly active—now in the saddle, now on the captain’s bridge; his palace only used for sleeping. Wherever the Kaiser goes his forces are in the forefront. Exercises, manœuvres, mobilization of the fleet, war games, conferences, and speeches quickly follow one another. His speeches refer oftener than needful to the grip of the sword, and at the same time he sedulously endeavours to negotiate personally with his neighbouring States. Such things as the Kruger telegram and the expedition to Tangiers look like froth, but they really hide personal wishes and inclinations. Thus do the English see us. What can they, what must they think of it all? We are grown to be neighbours and yet we arm and arm. Our trade is protected, and for offensive purposes a fleet will arouse little sympathy. Have not both Holland and Belgium a large trade and yet no one thinks of wresting it from them.