3d. The organization of the companies into battalions and regiments belonging to the President, can the Governor of the State issue commissions to these officers before that organization is made and announced to him?
4th. Ought not the volunteers tendering their services, under the act of February 24th, 1807, to be accepted by the President before the commissions can issue?
Had we no other executive powers but those given in this act, the first, second, and third questions would present considerable difficulties, inasmuch as the act of Congress does appear, as you understand it, to contemplate that the companies are to be associated, and the battalions, squadrons, regiments, brigades, and divisions organized, before commissions are to issue. And were we to stop here the law might stop also; because I verily believe that it will be the zeal and activity alone of those destined for commands, which will give form and body to the floating ardor of our countrymen to enter into this service, and bring their wills to a point of union and effect. We know from experience that individuals having the same desires are rarely brought into an association of them, unless urged by some one assuming an agency, and that in military associations the person of the officer is a material inducement. Whether our constitutional powers to carry the laws into execution, would not authorize the issuing a previous commission (as they would, had nothing been said about commissions in the law), is a question not necessary now to be decided; because they certainly allow us to do what will be equally effectual. We may issue instructions or warrants to the persons destined to be captains, &c., authorizing them to superintend the association of the companies, and to perform the functions of a captain &c., until commissions may be regularly issued, when such a commission will be given to the bearer, or a warrant authorizing the bearer to superintend the organization of the companies associated in a particular district, into battalions, squadrons, &c., and otherwise to perform the functions of a colonel &c., until a commission may regularly issue, when such a commission will be given to the bearer. This is certainly within the constitutional powers of the executive, and with such a warrant, I believe, the person bearing it would act with the same effect as if he had the commission.
As to the fourth question, the execution of this law having been transferred to the State executives, I did consider all the powers necessary for its execution as delegated from the President to them. Of this I have been so much persuaded that, to companies offering their services under this law, I have answered that the power of acceptance was in the Governor, and have desired them to renew their offer to him. If the delegation of this power should be expressly made, it is hereby fully delegated.
To the preceding I will add one other observation. As we might still be disappointed in obtaining the whole number of 11,563, were they apportioned among the several districts, and each restrained to its precise apportionment (which some might fail to raise), I think it would better secure the complete object of the law to accept all proper offers, that the excess of some districts may supply the deficiencies of others. When the acceptances are all brought together, the surplus, if any, will be known, and, if not wanted by the United States, may be rejected; and in doing this, such principles of selection may be adopted as, without any imputation of partiality, may secure to us the best offers. For example, first, we may give a preference to all those who will agree to become regulars, if desired. This is so obviously for the public advantage that no one could object to it. Second, we may give a preference to twelve-month volunteers over those for six months; and other circumstances of selection will of course arise from the face of the offers, such as distribution, geographical position, proportion of cavalry, riflemen, &c.
I have thus, without reserve, expressed my ideas on the several doubts stated in your letters, and I submit them to your consideration. They will need it the more, as the season and other circumstances occasioning the members of the administration to be in a state of separation at this moment, they go without the stamp of their aid and approbation. It is our consolation and encouragement that we are serving a just public, who will be indulgent to any error committed honestly, and relating merely to the means of carrying into effect what they have manifestly willed to be a law.
I salute you with great esteem and respect.
TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR.
Monticello, August 12, 1807.
Dear Sir,—I return you all the papers received in yours of the 9th, except Morrison's letter on the subject of Alston, which, although expressed to be confidential, I send to Mr. Hay under that injunction, merely for his information, should there be other bearings on the same point. In my conscience, I have no doubt as to his participation. To your papers I add some others, particularly respecting the defence of St. Mary's and Beaufort, that you may take them into consideration as a part of the general subject of defence. I sincerely wish this business of levying duty on Creek goods could be stopped. We have no right to make them contribute to the support of our government. The conduct of Captain Isaac is nettling. But what can we do while we are in the wrong? I wonder we hear nothing from Hawkins on the subject. I wish Governor Harrison may be able to have the murder of the Kaskaskian by the Kickapoo settled in the Indian way. I think it would not be amiss for him to bring over Decoigne secretly by a douceur, by which he is easily influenced. I think, too, that if the apprehension of the murderer, Rea, could be effected by our making up Harrison's reward of three hundred dollars to one thousand, it would be well laid out. Both the Indians and our own people want some example of punishment for the murder of an Indian. With respect to the prophet, if those who are in danger from him would settle it in their own way, it would be their affair. But we should do nothing towards it. That kind of policy is not in the character of our government, and still less of the paternal spirit we wish to show towards that people. But could not Harrison gain over the prophet, who no doubt is a scoundrel, and only needs his price? The best conduct we can pursue to countervail these movements among the Indians, is to confirm our friends by redoubled acts of justice and favor, and to endeavor to draw over the individuals indisposed towards us. The operations we contemplate, should there be occasion for them, would have an imposing effect on their minds, and, if successful, will indeed put them entirely in our power; if no occasion arises for carrying these operations into effect, then we shall have time enough to get the Indian mind to rights. I think it an unlucky time for Governor Hull to press the purchase of their lands, and hope he will not press it. That is the only point on which the Indians feel very sore towards us. If we have war, those lands cannot now be settled; if peace, any future movement will be more favorable.