The resolutions adopted in a preamble relate the offer of the Hawaiian republic to cede all of its sovereignty and absolute title to the government and crown lands, and then by resolution accept the cession and declare the islands annexed. The resolutions provide for a commission of five, at least two of whom shall be resident Hawaiians, to recommend to Congress such legislation as they may deem advisable. The public debt of Hawaii, not to exceed $4,000,000, is assumed, Chinese immigration is prohibited, all treaties with other powers are declared null, and it is provided that until Congress shall provide for the government of the islands all civil, judicial and military powers now exercised by the officers of the existing government shall be exercised in such manner as the President shall direct, and he is given power to appoint persons to put in effect a provisional government for the islands.
Mr. Fitzgerald spoke against the Newlands resolutions. In the course of his speech he emphasized the failure of the majority of Hawaiians to express their desire relative to annexation. He insisted that every people had the right to the government of their choice. Speaking further, Mr. Fitzgerald opposed annexation on the ground that an injurious labor element would be brought into competition with American laborers.
Supporting the resolution Mr. Berry devoted much of his time to showing that annexation was in line with democratic policy. He reviewed the territorial additions to the original states to show that practically all had been made by democrats.
Mr. Berry digressed to speak of the Philippine situation, and while not advocating the retention of the islands he declared the United States should brook no interference upon the part of Germany. He said America should resent any intervention with all her arms and warships. Mr. Berry's remarks in this connection were applauded generously.
William Alden Smith, member of the committee on foreign affairs, advocating annexation, said:
"Annexation is not new to us. In my humble opinion the whole North American continent and every island in the gulf and the Caribbean sea and such islands in the Pacific as may be deemed desirable are worthy of our ambition. Not that we are earth hungry, but, as a measure of national protection and advantage, it is the duty of the American people to lay peaceful conquest wherever opportunity may be offered.
"It has been argued that our constitution makes no provision for a colonial system, but if President Monroe had been merely a lawyer, if he had contented himself by looking for precedent which he was unable to find, if he had consulted the jurisprudence of his time and planned his action along academic lines the greatest doctrine ever announced to the civilized world, which now bears his name, though in unwritten law, but in the inspiration, the hope, the security of every American heart, would have found no voice potent enough and courageous enough to have encircled the western hemisphere with his peaceful edict.
"Precedent, sir, may do for a rule of law upon which a fixed and definite superstructure must be built, but it is the duty of statesmanship to cease looking at great public questions with a microscope and sweep the world's horizon with a telescope from a commanding height."
Mr. Johnson then was recognized for a speech in opposition. He laid down the three propositions that annexation was unnecessary as a war measure in the present conflict with Spain; that annexation was unnecessary to prevent the islands from falling into the hands of some other power to be used against us, and that the proposition to annex was inherently wrong and was the opening wedge upon an undesirable and disastrous policy of colonization.
Advancing to the danger of annexation being the first step in colonization, he said gentlemen could not deny that the holding of the Philippines was contemplated already. What was more deplorable and significant, he said, was the expressed fear of the President lest Spain should sue for peace before we could secure Puerto Rico. Mr. Johnson said men were already speaking disparagingly of the Cubans and their capacity for government, and it was useless to attempt to hide the truth that American eyes of avarice were already turned to Cuba, although but two months since action was taken to free and establish that island as independent.