Mr. G. said, that every species of property stood on the same principle—the promise made by the Government to afford protection to all property—the same rights are attached to every species of property, and the Government is bound to afford an equal security to all. A sentence read yesterday, by a gentleman, (Mr. S. Smith), from a writer upon the laws of nations, clearly shows the right of a nation to make reprisal upon all the effects of individuals of an aggressing nation indiscriminately, except stock in the public funds; which has been exempted, under the idea of its being a pledge in the hands of Government; the withholding of which would be a breach of public faith. He believed that the practice and policy of some nations might have given rise to this distinction, but he doubted whether the practice had been uniform and universal, and he was clear that there was no rational distinction in principle. The idea that the public funds are a pledge in the hands of Government, and ought not, therefore, to be touched, is equally applicable to every other species of property. In the case of contracts between individuals, the Government guarantees the performance upon the refusal of one party to pay, or comply. In the case of lands or personal chattels, the Government guarantees the exclusive enjoyment to the proprietor; it would be equally a violation of faith for the Government to deny its obligation in the one case as in the other, and nothing could justify an invasion of the rights of property, in any case, but self-preservation—the first of all rights, and the highest of all duties.
He positively denied that any pre-eminence was due to one species of property over another. He said, however, that this discussion was not immediately necessary, as the resolution under consideration did not embrace the stock in the funds of the United States.
Mr. G. observed, that it had been said, and repeated in the committee, that the proposed measure was war. He denied that the measure in itself was war, or that it furnished a just cause of war. He believed, however, that it was problematical whether it would eventuate in peace or war; indeed, he remarked, that the crisis of affairs is already such, that, whether the measure be adopted or not, he viewed war as a probable event, peace as a possible event; but the point he contended for was, that if the aggressions towards the United States be sufficient to justify reprisal, the exercise of the right does not furnish a just cause of war. The exercise of a right by one nation can never involve the absurd consequence of giving another nation the right to exercise a wrong. He said, that gentlemen on one side of this question seemed to act upon an imaginary, instead of the real, state of things. He was not, therefore, astonished at hearing the committee cautioned against the violation of neutrality. He did not conceive that the present state of things between the United States and Great Britain would justify the use of the term neutrality. Neutrality is a term used to signify the relation in which two nations stand towards each other. Neutrality, therefore, requires parties—either party may destroy the relation between the parties. It therefore appeared absurd to him to say that Great Britain was in a state of depredation and war towards the United States, and the United States in a state of neutrality towards Great Britain. It has been said, that the United States have not abandoned their neutrality; this is true, but it is no evidence that neutrality exists. Great Britain has abandoned it for them.
He said, however, that this was disregarding the substance and entering into a mere cavil about names. It was not material, in his opinion, what name ought to be given to the existing relation of things between the United States and Great Britain—whether it was called a state of peace, a state of war, a state of neutrality, a state of reprisal, a state of retortion, or a state of very uncivil conduct on the part of Great Britain. Nor did he conceive it material to ascertain whether there was any intermediate stage between a state of peace and a state of war, or in which state the depredations of Great Britain should technically be classed; but one thing was certain and material—that the United States had sustained substantial wrongs, which required a substantial remedy. Gentlemen who have regarded names and disregarded substances have also been extremely alarmed at the idea of a discrimination of conduct by the United States towards foreign nations. A gentleman (Mr. Boudinot) observed yesterday, that the United States had sustained injuries from France and Spain as well as Great Britain, and asked why there should be any discrimination in their favor? Mr. G. said he was extremely hurt that the conduct of France should be so unnecessarily and inopportunely arraigned in that House. He submitted it to the gentleman to say, if the United States should be compelled to enter into the war, which was at this moment not an improbable event, why then it would be wise to irritate the only nation in the world who could afford them any substantial assistance! He said that this conduct was the less justifiable, from the recollection that the conduct of France was the result of necessity, and there was every reason to conclude that the conduct of that nation would be explained in a satisfactory manner. But a consideration mentioned by a gentleman, (Mr. Smith, of Maryland,) yesterday, was a conclusive answer—the United States owe to France a pecuniary obligation, as well as one of a more sacred nature. This is at all times sufficient for their indemnification. With respect to Spain, if the gentleman would show the injury sustained, and point out a fund for indemnification, Mr. G. declared he would not hesitate a moment to apply it to that object.
But will the gentleman conclude, that because one nation has injured us, in a degree against which we have no redress, that therefore we shall not indemnify ourselves from a nation which has injured us in the extreme, and against which we have the most ample redress?
He believed the gentleman's coolness, his wisdom, and his deliberation, could not possibly lead him to such a result. With respect to discrimination in the conduct of the United States towards foreign nations, it necessarily grew out of the character of the conduct of other nations towards the United States. Some gentlemen appeared to him to have carried their ideas upon this subject to the most fanciful absurdities. To keep France out of the comparison, let this indiscriminate conduct, so much applauded, be applied to Great Britain and Holland. Great Britain destroys our trade, plunders our property, and, to her injuries, adds insult and contempt. Holland, engaged in the same cause, fosters our trade, and respects us as a nation. Under these circumstances, do gentlemen contend that an indiscriminate conduct is due to Great Britain and to Holland? Or do they mean to carry this delicate indiscriminate conduct so far as to refuse to themselves all redress from one nation, because they would wish to deal out the same conduct to all others, whether they had offended or not? He said, that discrimination was stamped in the front of the conduct of foreign nations towards us, and to make an indiscriminate return would be the worst and most unjust of all discriminations. He hoped gentlemen would pardon him, but he could not help thinking that they had carried their ideas upon this subject to the most fanciful absurdities. A gentleman (Mr. Smith, of South Carolina) yesterday remarked, that of late the condition of war had been much ameliorated as it regards the rights of property, and he thought the amelioration ought to be extended rather than abridged. Mr. G. declared, that he heartily joined him in his wishes that the condition of war would ere long be ameliorated, both as it regards property and persons. He hoped that mankind would soon learn more wisdom than to butcher each other for the amusement or security of the privileged orders of the world. From that source he believed all wars arose, and until the cause was banished from the earth, he feared the fatal effects resulting from it would continue to exist. He declared, that he should view the banishment of the privileged orders from the world as the surest harbinger of the approach of the millennium. But this is not the happy period of the world; for, although the United States are free from this pest of the human species in their internal organization, yet the evils they at this moment experience arise from their external intercourse with that part of the world which is less fortunate. The attack made on the United States at this moment, is an attack upon property. If there should be a war between the United States and Great Britain, it will be a war of property. Unless there should be a species of madness in the nation not to be calculated upon, they cannot think of invasion and subjugation. It is known that the United States cannot make an attack upon Great Britain, and territory and conquest with them are no objects. Hence the war will be confined to depredations upon property. This is the most dishonorable species of warfare, and therefore the more to be regretted. There is this obvious distinction, however, between the United States and Great Britain. With Great Britain, at least with the privileged orders, it is matter of choice; with the United States, it is matter of compulsion. The United States despise this mode of warfare; they covet not the property of any nation upon earth, but self-preservation demands it. They are under the strong hand of a powerful nation, despising their rights, and regardless of justice. In this state of things, there is but little hope of strengthening the sacred ties of property; for, in the example of Great Britain, her late conduct can furnish no consolation for these theoretic speculations; and however the United States might be inclined to practise upon them, yet the British depredations will forbid them—for submission will be an invitation to new acts of aggression. He most ardently wished the state of things were otherwise; but, exposed to these inconveniences, the most effectual means ought to be adopted for their resistance.
Mr. G. proceeded to observe, that having shown the right of reprisal to be conformable to the laws of nations, and clearly justified by the existing relation of things between the United States and Great Britain, he would now submit a few remarks upon the policy of exercising the right at this time. Under the existing circumstances of the United States, he thought the policy of the measure was recommended by the clearest and most obvious principles. The relation of things between the United States and Great Britain is such as to demand a final and unequivocal explanation, whether the proposed measure be adopted or not. In all parts of this committee, in all parts of the United States, a definitive explanation is called for. The present state of things between the two nations cannot long exist.
It is to be hoped that, the tone of language to be used by the United States will be adjusted to the nature of the injuries they have sustained. Acquiescence and submission are no longer recommended. Hence, matters are already reduced to extremities, and all the irritations already exist which can grow out of an extreme state of things. The proposed measure can add nothing to these irritations. The question, therefore, appears to be reduced to this—whether, in demanding an explanation and attempting negotiation, we shall use all the means in our power to compel a favorable issue? or whether we shall tamely supplicate for justice, and suffer the most effectual means of compulsion to elude our grasp? He did not mean here to recapitulate the conduct of Great Britain towards us; he hoped it was sufficiently impressed upon the mind of every gentleman in the committee; but, after the recent experience of her conduct, it would be madness, it would be folly, to address our complaints to her justice or moderation. He thought it would be wise to lay hold of every thing in our power, and hold it as a pledge for her good behavior. This measure would put us in the best possible situation for negotiation. It would authorize an appeal to her interest, which she could not resist. He begged the committee to reflect upon the argument which had been used here, to prevent a late measure which had been adopted, and which had been renewed upon the present resolution, that a great value in property, belonging to the citizens of the United States, was in the power of the British, and that any counteracting measures would place it in extreme hazard. This seemed to him to have been the most prevailing argument which had been urged, and for some time was irresistible. If, then, the argument shall have been applied with so much force here, with how much more force will it be applied in Great Britain, when they find that the property of the individuals of that nation is placed in jeopardy here, and that it greatly exceeds in value the whole of the property which they have infamously detained and condemned? Besides, if, in the event of a war, it should be a war of property, as is every where contemplated. Great Britain will find that the war will be commenced upon very unequal terms. Viewing this measure, therefore, as to its probable tendency to peace or war, he thought the probability greatly in favor of its producing peace. When Great Britain shall find that she is entering into a contest upon unequal terms, when she shall find that it may terminate in a permanent loss of the advantages of her commerce with the United States, when she shall see before her a precipice, into which if she should once enter she never can return, she would pause before she acted, she would take time to count the probable loss and gain, and peace would be the infallible consequence of such deliberate calculations. This measure will convince Great Britain that the United States possess a knowledge of their rights, a confidence in their ability, and a determination in their disposition to assert and support them.
A gentleman (Mr. Smith, of South Carolina) observed yesterday, that a pacific system would probably attach the people of Great Britain to the United States, and detach them from their own Government. The gentleman ought to recollect, that a pusillanimous conduct will not. It is with nations as it is with individuals—to be respected by others, they should respect themselves. The same gentleman remarked, that a change of Ministry might be expected, and advised waiting for the event. The idea is as undignified as it is chimerical.
Mr. G. said, he knew nothing of the change of the Ministry—the principle was unknown here. The people here were their own governors. It was immaterial to them who the Minister was. Even in the country where the people were less fortunate, where Ministers govern, a change of Ministers never produced any solid advantage to the nation. It was merely an expedient of the moment, to smother a popular clamor. But, even proceeding upon the gentleman's hypothesis, which Mr. G. thought wholly inadmissible, he submitted to the gentleman to determine, whether a positive submission by foreigners to the avaricious regulations of a Minister, be the most likely mean to render him unpopular at home? On the other hand, whether it was not the most effectual mean of preserving his popularity, and of keeping him in office? He presumed the people at home would never complain of injuries abroad, if those who sustained them refused to complain. It is but by resistance, and throwing the burden upon the people of England, that they can be brought to complain. But, in cases of such extremities as the present, all appeals to the people of England are futile and degrading. Our only resource should be in our own exertions. They would be abundantly sufficient, if we could be brought to believe it.