But, before he went further, he could not forget the respectful compliment paid yesterday by his honorable friend from Maryland (Mr. Smith) to his moderation and gray hairs; indeed, he should not have taken it to himself, as he had the honor of having white, instead of gray hairs, had not Mr. S.'s attention been immediately fixed on him. If either age or moderation would command his worthy friend's close consideration of this subject, he besought him, as well as the other gentlemen of the committee, to join in attending to it calmly and seriously for a few moments, before the die was cast. He said, he owed much, on behalf of his country, to that gentleman for his services in the field during the late war, when both his zeal and his passions were rendered so eminently useful, that he could with pleasure apologize at all times for his warmth and animation on any subject when their common country was not to be affected. But would he permit him, earnestly, to request that, with other members, he would call to mind, that they were now the Representatives of four millions of people? That perhaps the lives of thousands of their fellow-citizens were depending on a single vote. That the welfare of a country dearer to them than life was at stake. Gentlemen must, therefore, agree, that the question was a serious one, and deserved to be treated with the most serious and deliberate consideration. Judgment, and not resentment, should direct the final determination, let it be what it may, and give a sanction to all their measures.
He observed, that gentlemen against the question had been accused of want of propriety, in looking calmly, and without the exercise of their passions, on the sufferings of the unhappy prisoners at Algiers, and the piratical spoliations of our fellow-citizens in the West Indies. Yes, sir, said he, when he knew that it was neither passion nor declamation that could afford effective relief to these suffering members of the political body, he should continue to persist in that steady, serious, and deliberate line of conduct, that, in his estimation, was only calculated to produce that permanent and efficient aid and relief, which their extreme distress so loudly called for; but, in his turn, he asked gentlemen to give up their warmth on this occasion, that they might also reflect, even without passion, on the number of their fellow-citizens that must fall a sacrifice in the most successful war. Will not gentlemen weigh well that vote, that may possibly increase the number of mourning widows and helpless orphans?
These considerations had led him to consider the measure now proposed, as of great moment and importance, and to wish it might be reasoned on and considered in a manner becoming Legislators and Representatives of United America, who have been sent here as her counsellors and trustees, and to whom she has committed her best and most sacred interests. He said, for argument's sake, and to simplify the debate, lest he should be drawn into unnecessary disputation, he should concede for the present: the constitutionality of the resolution proposed; the right of the committee to originate and determine on the measure; the unprovoked aggressions of Great Britain to warrant and justify the prohibition.
These arguments had been repeated and urged with great apparent force, by gentlemen in favor of the affirmative side of the question; but, were the principles arising from these facts sufficient to justify a determination in favor of so harsh and unprecedented a proceeding, without previously demanding an explanation and full indemnification, agreeably to the customs and usages of other nations?
Would arguments of this kind satisfy our constituents, if they should find themselves suddenly plunged into an expensive and ruinous war? Would it not very naturally be asked, why were not the true interests of the United States under these existing circumstances carefully inquired into, and made the principal and leading object of attentive consideration? In his opinion, this should peculiarly be the sum of their present inquiry—was it not the duty of the committee critically to examine into the preparation they were in for a step, that, in the imagination of some gentlemen of character and reputation, at the last, might precipitate our country into an immediate war? Were our ports and harbors in any tolerable state of defence? Were our magazines and arsenals properly supplied? Were our citizens in a state of organization as militia? In short, did not the measure threaten a sudden transition from a state of profound peace and happiness, unequalled by any nation, into a state of war and bloodshed, without taking those previous and prudent measures that might probably lead to an avoidance of this national evil, or at all events enable us to meet it with decision and effect?
Gentlemen had referred the committee to the conduct of America in 1776, and the success of the late war has been urged for our encouragement. The non-importation agreement has been recurred to as a precedent in point. He said, he was well acquainted with most of the events of the late Revolution. The first motions towards it, found him engaged in the common cause, and his best endeavors to complete and secure it had never since been wanting. He well remembered the consequences of the non-importation agreement, and the sufferings of our brave fellow-citizens from that imprudent measure. He had tracked them over the frozen ground by their blood, from the want of shoes, and was sensible that many had perished by the inclemency of the season, for want of tents and clothing: that agreement was universally reprobated, as a measure imprudently entered into on the principle of expecting to be involved in a war, which had it been then contemplated, nothing could have justified. Mr. B. appealed to the knowledge of many men who heard him, that this agreement had often been urged to Great Britain, as a conclusive evidence, that at the time of its adoption, America had not the least intention of independence, or a separation from the mother country; otherwise, she could never have been guilty of so impolitic a resolution. He asked, then, if the committee would now repeat the mistake with their eyes open, and expose our country to the same misfortunes, and our fellow-citizens to a repetition of sufferings, by a measure that promised not one important advantage to the Union that he had heard of? In the late war, America had all the ports and harbors of the other European nations open to her, but now circumstances would be altered; in case of a war the very reverse would be our position, excepting as to those of France.
Mr. B. confessed, that his arguments were founded on his conviction that the resolution was a measure that would necessarily produce war, immediate, inevitable war.
His reasons were drawn from the present state of Great Britain, being in alliance with the principal powers of Europe, and under treaties to make all wars, arising from the united opposition to France, a common cause.
The necessity she would have of employing her supernumerary hands, if not in manufactures, in her armies and navies, to prevent trouble at home, added to her old grudge against us on account of principles that promise much trouble to all the monarchs of Europe: her late conduct with regard to our trade, founded on the instructions of the 8th of June, and 6th November last: her withholding the posts, contrary to every principle of justice and good faith, and against the most positive assurances: and lastly, from the anxiety to regain the territory between the Lakes and the Mississippi;—he agreed that neither of these singly, nor even the whole together, could justify her in her own opinion, in making an open attack upon us, but might tempt her to construe the measure before the committee into an act of hostility on our part, as contrary to our professed neutrality. He said, it was a point conceded in the laws of nations, that granting to one of the belligerent powers advantages in your ports which were refused to another, was a breach of neutrality.
The object with Great Britain would be, to convince her allies, that the aggression arose on account of the war with France, to prevail on them to make it a common cause; and in this they would not want plausible evidence. It was not sufficient, he alleged, that we knew ourselves innocent of the charge. We should be prudently careful not unnecessarily to give reason to justify the construction. If the previous steps of negotiation, used by all civilized nations, were neglected, they would have the advantage of the argument, and we should injure ourselves. He asked if any gentleman would say that a prohibition of commerce at the eve of a war, or even the apprehension of it, was wisely calculated to clothe an army, replenish our magazines, supply our arsenals, or provide a revenue by which to support a war?