He wished every member had taken the trouble he had done, of looking into their stores, inquiring what was on hand, calculating what would be absolutely necessary, and reflecting seriously and dispassionately on the sources of supply. If they had, he doubted not but that they would find something more than passion and resentment necessary, to meet the probable consequences of so premature a determination.
It was no uncommon thing for gentlemen to differ on important measures; and he would not even insinuate, that he might not be found wrong in these ideas, and wholly mistaken in his conjectures on this occasion, but he begged members to consider the different ground on which the two sides of the House stood. If the minority, of whom he expected to be one, should in the end be found to have been alarmed with consequences altogether unfounded, and that the issue proved successful to the peace of our common country, they would have the happiness of rejoicing with the majority in their superior wisdom and foresight; and though even they should suffer in character, yet their country would be saved. But if the minority should in the end be right, and our country should be deluged in a destructive war, and her best interests be endangered by the discovery of the mistake too late for redress, gentlemen in favor of the resolution, would seriously regret that they had not at least used more caution.
He said, as at present advised, he should give his vote against the resolution. It would be from a thorough conviction, on the most careful examination, that the resolution was against the interest and welfare of the United States, all circumstances considered. And this he should do, wholly regardless of the malevolent insinuations, that Britain had an influence in that House. He felt a conscious dignity of mind, a virtuous pride of heart, in believing that it was not all the wealth of that opulent nation could purchase his influence to a single measure injurious to his country; and under that conviction, he could not believe there was a member of the committee in a different predicament.
He again repeated, that he should most sincerely rejoice, if this measure should be adopted, to find, in the end, that his mind had viewed it, as productive of consequences that were wholly unfounded; and, although under his present view of the subject, considering it as inimical to his country, he was bound in conscience to vote against it, yet the councils of America were directed by superior wisdom, and that this country had reaped the rich harvest of peace and happiness. But it might now be asked, if it was meant passively to submit to the injuries acknowledged on all hands to have been sustained by the imperious and overbearing conduct of Great Britain? He answered no, by no means.
He would follow the examples and pursue the measures of other nations in like circumstances—examples and measures founded in policy and sound understanding. He would, by a special envoy, make known to that court our sense of her unwarrantable aggressions; he would demand immediate indemnification for the present, and security against future sufferings of the like nature—insist on a categorical answer, after applying to her justice and best interests; and if at last a war must be the only means of obtaining justice, he would then (being previously prepared) meet it as became a free and independent nation, trusting to the righteousness of her cause.
By this means, the other nations of Europe would be made acquainted with our complaints—become witnesses to our love of peace, and bear testimony to the justice of our appeal to arms. He said, he had fully considered the question—he had viewed it in every point of light—he had endeavored to consider the consequences which most probably would arise from it, and he could not convince his mind, that the measure would be productive of any good to the United States, while it offered many reasons to conclude, that it might be fraught with the greatest evil. In case of the most successful war, America had nothing to gain, while her loss of blood and treasure was sure and certain. He had once flattered himself that this was the only country on the globe, whose interest it was to be at peace with all the world, and at the same time the interest of all the world to be at peace with us. But he feared we had been so much actuated by a resentment of injuries received, as to lose sight of our true interests under existing circumstances, and, therefore, should be hurried into measures we might hereafter have reason seriously to lament.
The committee now rose.
Monday, April 21.
Non-Intercourse with Great Britain.
The House resumed the consideration of the resolution reported by the Committee of the whole House on the fifteenth instant, to prohibit all commercial intercourse between the citizens of the United States and the subjects of the King of Great Britain, or the citizens or subjects of any other nation, so far as the same respects articles of the growth or manufacture of Great Britain or Ireland; and the amendment and modification thereof, which was proposed on Friday last, being further considered and debated, the said resolution was amended to read as follows: