If, then, the Treaty does not operate by way of obligation on the Legislative power, let us, said Mr. L., examine, whether, as is contended, "a Treaty is paramount to a law, and can repeal it, though it, itself, cannot be acted on by the Legislative power;" this, he said, was the most important question that had ever been agitated within these walls. It evidently tended to the substitution of a foreign power, in lieu of the popular branch; it was replete with the most serious evils. He could never suppose so great and pernicious an absurdity was contemplated by the constitution; but, if such was the true construction, great as the evil was, we must submit, until it could be legally amended.
The constitution gave all Legislative power to the Congress of the United States; vested the power of making Treaties in the President and Senate, and declared that the constitution, the laws made in pursuance thereof, and Treaties made under the authority of the United States, should be the supreme law of the land. He had always considered the order in which this enumeration was made as descriptive of the relative authority of each. 1st. The constitution, which no other act could operate on. 2d. The laws made in pursuance thereof. 3d. Treaties, when they contradicted neither; for, if no weight was given to this argument, Treaties would be superior, both to the constitution and the laws, as there is no restriction with respect to them, as in the case of laws, that they be made pursuant to the constitution. He did not believe gentlemen would contend for this absurdity; they must therefore refer to the order of the enumeration, to measure the relative effect of the constitution, laws, and Treaties. If the objects of Legislation and of Treaty compact could be kept distinct, no question would arise, there would be no pretext for interference; but they could not; almost every object of legislation might also become that of compact with a foreign power.
But it was probable, Mr. L. said, that the Treaty power was intended to be placed in the President and Senate to the same extent only in which it existed in the Executive of Great Britain. The words of our constitution on this point were the same made use of by British writers in defining the corresponding power in their Government, and it seemed evident that some of its features (and this was none of the least prominent) were drawn from that original. He was happy that the parallel was not perfect in other instances. He thought it completely so in this; and that the practice therefore of that Government would, in some measure, lead to the true construction of this. Aware of the weight of precedents drawn from English history, gentlemen endeavored to weaken them by a very ingenious argument: "The British Constitution," say they, "is not written, it is formed of usages; if you prove, therefore, that it is the usage for British Parliaments to sanction Treaties, you prove it to be their constitution, but you do not prove it to be ours." It was true, Mr. L. observed, that the English Constitution was formed partly of immemorial usages; but it was also true, that those usages were collected in books of authority, and that the different powers of Government were generally designated, so that the leading points in their constitution were as well known and defined as they were in that of America. It had been shown by a reference to writers of the best authority, that, by the Constitution of England, the power of making all Treaties was in the King; but as the power of making all laws was in the Parliament, this latter, as the greater power, controlled the former, whenever it affected objects of legislation. Thus, in the Constitution of the United States, he contended, the power of making Treaties, that is, all Treaties, vested in the President and Senate; but, as all Legislative power is vested in Congress, no Treaty operating upon any object of legislation can take effect until it receives the sanction of Congress. The practice, too, was the same. The King asserted his right of making and completing Treaties, by not only concluding, but ratifying them, before they were submitted to Parliament, but he believed no Commercial Treaty was proclaimed as the law of the land before it had received the sanction of Parliament. Indeed, it was impossible, in any country, and under any constitution, where the Legislative and Treaty-making powers are lodged in different hands, that any other construction can be given without running into the absurdity he had before hinted at, of making two different powers supreme over the same object at the same time. Our ideas had been confounded by referring to the practice of Governments where the two powers were united, and where a ratification gave the consent of both.
If, then, there was a perfect analogy between the power vested in the Crown in England, and that delegated to the President and Senate in America, on the subject of Treaties; and if the Parliament, by virtue of its general Legislative authority, was in the practice of giving or withholding its sanction to Treaties concluded by the King, it was but a fair inference to say, that the same discretion existed in Congress.
Some instances of the exercise of this power by Parliament, had been before quoted by others. The inexecution of the Treaty of Utrecht, in consequence of Parliamentary opposition, and the difficulties with which the Commercial Treaty with France was carried through the House of Commons, in 1787, had been already noticed. He would mention two other precedents drawn from the same source equally striking, or perhaps more so, as the course of proceeding there followed was precisely that which was proposed by the resolution in debate. The first was the proceeding on the Barrier Treaty, taken from the 5th vol. Parl. Debates, p. 43, where the House of Commons began, by a resolution to address the Queen, "that all instruction and orders given to the Plenipotentiaries that transacted the Barrier Treaty, and also all Treaties mentioned and referred to in the said Treaty, might be laid before the House, except such Treaties as they already had." We are told in the subsequent page, that on the 13th, that is, only two days after the request, "Mr. Secretary St. John presented to the House, by Her Majesty's command, a copy of the instructions to the Duke of Marlborough and Lord Townsend, about the Barrier Treaty, extracts of letters from Mr. Boyle to Lord Townsend, concerning the said Treaty; also a copy of the Preliminary Articles, signed at the Hague; the titles of which copies and extracts of letters were referred to the Committee of the whole House. After this, it was resolved to present an address to Her Majesty, that the letters written by Lord Townsend to Mr. Boyle, the Secretary of State, dated the 1st and 26th of November, 1709, might be laid before the House, which Mr. Secretary St. John accordingly did on the 14th of February." After having obtained the papers, Mr. L. said, the House of Commons proceeded to the consideration of the Treaty in Committee of the Whole, and voted, 1st. That the Treaty contained articles destructive to the trade and interest of Great Britain. 2d. That the negotiator had acted without authority. 3d. That the advisers and negotiators were enemies to the Queen and Kingdom.
The Treaty being thus obstructed, the States General remonstrated to the Queen on the subject; but, conscious that the Parliament were only exercising a constitutional power, they make no complaints in their memorial of any breach of faith, though the Treaty had been ratified. They enter into the merits of the Treaty, offer to negotiate on the obnoxious articles, and conclude with "entreating the continuance of Her Majesty's friendship."
This instance, then, said Mr. L., is complete to show the propriety of a call for papers by the House of Commons; a ready compliance on the part of the Crown, a deliberation on a ratified Treaty, a rejection of it, and an acquiescence on the part of the foreign nation, without remonstrance.
The other instance was an address in the year 1714, requesting "the Treaties of Peace and Commerce between Her Majesty and the King of Spain, and the instructions given to Her Majesty's Ambassadors thereupon, together with the copies of the King of Spain's ratifications of the said Treaties, and the preliminaries signed by the Lord Lexington and the Marquis of Bedmar, at Madrid, and all other agreements and stipulations which had been made concerning the commerce between Great Britain and Spain. 2dly. An account of what engagements of guaranty Her Majesty had entered into by virtue of any Treaty with any foreign Prince or State, from the year 1710. And 3dly. An account of what instances had been used by Her Majesty for restoring to the Catalans their ancient privileges, and all letters relating thereto. And then it was resolved, to take into further consideration the Message that day sent from the Lords upon Thursday next following."
Objections had been raised to this construction, drawn from three different sources.
1. From the prevalent construction at the time of establishing the constitution.