He would inquire what Treaties could be entered into by the President and Senate, without infringing upon the powers placed in Congress? He believed Treaties of Peace, of Amity, and Friendship, could be made by them. If this could be done, he said, those were the powers meant to be vested in the President and Senate, and not that Treaties should embrace objects which are expressly appointed to the management of Congress. In this view, the President and Senate would not have the power to influence that House in their proceedings; but commercial or other Treaties which embraced objects the regulation of which was placed in Congress, must be laid before them for the purpose of their passing or refusing to pass laws to carry them into effect, in the same way as Treaties with the Indians had been laid before them.
He did not think the question of itself before the House important, as it related to the production of papers, but only as it involved in it an important principle, viz: that when Treaties were made by the President and Senate, and presented to that House, they had nothing to do but appropriate money to carry them into effect. It was true gentlemen had seemed willing to allow them what they called discretion; but it was such a sort of discretion as a criminal might be said to have, who was told he might choose this or that posture of suffering, but that he must die.
It had been said that the President and Senate were equally the Representatives of the people with that House. He would inquire how they became so? The constitution has appointed that Representatives shall be chosen by the people in proportion to their population. Were the Senate so chosen? No. The people have no vote at all in choosing them. Are they amenable to the people for their conduct? No. Therefore, in no shape can they be called the Representatives of the people. The Senate, he said, represented the several State Legislatures, and that House the people at large. He was sure, therefore, that every thing in which the interests of the people at large were concerned should be submitted to their consideration, before it was carried into effect.
A great deal, he observed, had been said upon this subject, some things well said, and a good deal that might have been as well unsaid, for any good effect it was likely to produce. He was sorry to hear what had fallen from a gentleman from Rhode Island with respect to the interests of small States. He said he was himself a Representative of a small State, and he believed his constituents were well satisfied with the present distribution of power, and did not wish that of the President or Senate to be increased.
He did not think what fell from his colleague, when he said gentlemen wished to amuse the people with the cry of liberty, liberty, and spoke of the groans of three or four hundred thousand slaves assailing his ears, was meant as a reflection upon any gentleman in that House who might hold slaves; but an earnest wish that the people at large might never bend their necks to slavery.
He did not think the subject of the Treaty at all before the House. He should give his vote for the papers; not so much on account of their being of great importance in themselves, but in order to repel the doctrine, that they had no right to discuss the merits of any Treaty whatever.
March 22.—In Committee of the Whole on Mr. Livingston's resolution:
Mr. Coit said, the attention of the committee was doubtless fatigued with the subject before it; to those gentlemen who had already delivered their sentiments upon the occasion, he need not make any apology; and to those who had not done so, he would assure them that he would not occupy much of their time.
Most of the gentlemen who had gone before him, he observed, had regretted that the debate had taken the turn it had, but he was happy it had taken such a turn. It appeared to him, that the motion was intended as a stepping-stone to a violation of the rights of the other branches of the Government by that House. It became him when he made a declaration of this kind to say, that he did not impute other than pure motives to any member of that House. He believed the general wish was to discover the true sense of the constitution; yet it was not extraordinary if in doing this men were actuated by the sentiments which they had long been in the habit of considering as well-founded, to lean to that construction which most favored their favorite opinions. He had no idea that any gentleman meant to make inroads on the constitution; but it was his opinion that if the doctrines now insisted upon prevailed, they would have that effect.