Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)

by United States. Congress

Mr. Giles was of opinion it had better be referred to a Committee of the Whole simply.

Mr. Sedgwick saw no reason for such a reference. He wished gentlemen would point out the object of the motion.

Mr. Thatcher saw no good to be obtained by referring it. The House had requested the President to lay certain papers before them; the President answers, that he has none for them. Why a reference? The House asked a question; the President answered in the negative—for what purpose refer the answer? what would be gained by it?

Mr. Blount observed, that the President's Message stands upon the journals of the House; he wished, also, that the House should state upon their journals the reasons which influenced them to make the request. Perhaps, also, he said, a consideration of the Message might lead to some further measure proper to be adopted. He was indifferent whether it was referred to a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, or a Committee of the Whole, simply.

Mr. Nicholas remarked that it was prejudging the question to say that nothing could arise out of a consideration of the Message. The present is a crisis important in the affairs of the country, independently of the Treaty. If the Message was a proper subject of discussion, it was proper to refer it to a Committee of the Whole. He did not think a reference to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union proper; because the Message points to a subject differing from that referred to that committee. The investigation at any rate could produce nothing wrong.

Mr. Giles said, that the member from North Carolina (Mr. Blount) had explained the object he had in view by a reference. He preferred a reference to a Committee of the Whole, independently; because the Message itself would furnish matter enough for consideration by itself. He should object to its being referred to the Committee of the Whole, who are to take into consideration the British Treaty; because he never would consent to act upon that subject till the papers deemed material to the investigation were laid upon the table. He hoped the reference to a Committee of the Whole, generally, would be agreed to. It certainly would be proper for the House to state their reasons for the call. This call had given rise to a great constitutional question; the President had stated the reasons of his opinion; if the House were not convinced by them, (and he owned that, for one, he was not,) then it would be proper that they should present to the public their reasons for differing with him.

Mr. Thatcher argued, that the reasons of the House were contained in the speeches of members in favor of the motion; the papers had been filled with them, and a pamphlet was going to be published containing them all. If this was not sufficient, the gentlemen had better direct the pamphlet to be copied on the journals.

Mr. Williams considered this a new question, and wished for time to consider. The President's Message is only an answer to a request of the House. It does not call for any thing to be done, then why a reference? Such a reference would be unprecedented. Entering the reasons of the House on the journals could produce no good. The House could not call for the papers more than they had done. He reminded the House that three weeks had already been spent in agreeing to the call; if they agreed to the present motion, they would spend as much more in agreeing to the reasons. The President, in his Message, had mentioned the proceedings of the grand Convention; this was a new topic to him not started in debate; when the Treaty is before the House, perhaps they might wish to have the Message before them on that ground. He should vote for the reference if gentlemen could assign (what they had not yet done) a proper motive for it.

Mr. Sedgwick urged that the reasons of the majority would make a large book. Were the Committee of the Whole to turn authors and write a dissertation on part of the constitution? The people did not send their Representatives here for any such purpose, and he hoped it would not be persisted in. If the reasons of the House were to be drafted, he ventured to predict, that they would reach the end of their political career before the discussion that must necessarily arise upon them would be brought to a close. Such a measure would be unprecedented, and lead to a great waste of time, and continually defeat the real objects of their mission. The session had been long enough already, and it must be lengthened to accomplish the necessary business of it. If the gentlemen would write books, he was confident every body would buy them; but he could not see the propriety of the present motion.

Mr. Blount observed, that the President refers, in his Message, to the debate in the House, and insinuates that the House contend for a right not given them by the constitution. This was the first instance of any importance of a difference between the House of Representatives and the Executive respecting a great constitutional point; it was then proper to make such a disposal of the Message as to enable the House to state their reasons in support of their opinion, that the people may be rightly informed, that they may see the House is attempting no encroachment.