The next of the permanent articles I shall notice, is that which respects British debts. It is somewhat remarkable, that the commissioners, who are to judge of these, are permitted the power of adjournment from place to place—a very favorable stipulation for the creditors, whilst the Commissioners on Spoliations, by article 7, are to act only in London, whereby the American claimant must pass with his papers, or send them across the Atlantic, and engage lawyers in a country where law is unusually dear; a circumstance which will deter many from applying at all, and occasion great loss to the United States. I observe, too, that the awards of the Commissioners of British debts are to be paid out of the treasury as awarded by the commissioners. I am surprised not to find in the Report of the Secretary of State, on appropriations to carry this Treaty into effect, some calculation as to the probable amount of these debts, or some provision for lodging, for this purpose, money in the treasury. Gentlemen would then have known the extent to which they were going; but, at present, they can form no judgment on the subject of the money wanted, or of the funds from whence that money is to come.
Much hath been said about the tenth article, relative to the sequestration of debts. To be against the adoption of this article, hath been supposed to imply an unwillingness to pay debts lawfully contracted, and very copious abuse hath been thrown on the largest and most populous State in this Union, as having for motive of its opposition, this principle. To say nothing of the degrading nature of such an admission, with respect to the honor of our own country, which ought always to induce us to think the most favorably of it, is it true? Is it true, that an unwillingness to pay debts hath been the principal cause of opposition to this Treaty? Among the names opposed to it, are to be found some as respectable for independence and fortune as any on the Continent. To instance only one of a number, I may cite the celebrated Pennsylvania farmer, John Dickenson, Esq., one of the richest men in these parts of the country, attached to no party, living in great retirement, with a name honorable for the most virtuous efforts in the American Revolution. Can it be supposed that such a character as this is influenced by such a motive? Surely not. Whence arises, then, the opposition? It arises from a conviction that the admission of this article is degrading to the national character. During a late session of Congress an honorable member from New Jersey, (Mr. Dayton, the present Speaker) fired by a laudable indignation at the robberies committed on our commerce by the British, moved for a provisional sequestration of their property. No sooner was this done, than we saw a report from the Secretary of the Treasury, dated the 16th of January, 1795, recommending the United States to pass a permanent law against sequestration of property in the funds. Congress not having acted on this part of the report, though they adopted other parts, we now see the clause attempted to be brought into a law by way of a Treaty. And it is more singular, as, at the very time the article was agreed to in England, all the European nations were actually sequestering the property of each other.
After having thus reviewed the first ten or permanent articles, I think it must appear obvious that the result is, that we have ceded the right to navigate the Mississippi on terms different to those on which we received it from Spain; that we have consented to receive the Western posts on terms that afford too much danger of disturbances by a mixed intercourse of our people, British subjects and Indians; that we have provided, certainly, for an indefinite amount of British debts: whilst our claim for spoliations is left to be decided by commissioners at London, who meet without power of adjournment, and under very extensive latitude of judging according to what may appear to them to be the law of nations, in a country where that law his been twisted so as always to serve as a pretext for spoliations against us; and we have agreed never, in future, to consent to sequestrations, or confiscations, in case, by war or national difference, our property afloat should be confiscated or sequestered by Great Britain to any amount. Let any impartial mind, then, judge of the expediency, on our part, of voting efficacy to so ruinous a contract.
I come now to consider the remaining articles of a more temporary nature. The 12th article merits consideration, because, though not included in the general arrangement as ratified, being only suspended, its principles are not wholly abandoned, but left, like a cloud, still to hang over us. This 12th article was intended to regulate our intercourse with the British West Indies, and contemplated the singular provision that we should only navigate thither in vessels of seventy tons burden, whilst the British themselves might put in the employ vessels of any size. How degrading such a stipulation, it is not difficult to conceive! We supply these islands with what the inhabitants have always acknowledged they could get so well nowhere else, and yet our tonnage is to be thus restricted, while theirs is left open to employ vessels of any description. But this is not all: for the sake of getting admission into a few inconsiderable British ports in the West Indies, we are to give up the carriage in our own shipping of cotton, one of our own staple articles, and of sugar, coffee, and indigo, the produce of the French, Spanish, Danish, Swedish, or Dutch islands. How strange a mistake as to the geography of this Western Archipelago, in which the carriage of the produce of St. Domingo alone is worth more nearly than the entire admission to all the other islands put together! The principle contained in this 12th article, thus suspended, ought to have been utterly contradicted or annulled. While existing even in its suspended form, it will prevent my voting for this Treaty, of whose chains it is only an absent link.
But we are told whatever may be our fate in the West, all our losses are to be balanced in the East Indies; and we are carried from our own neighborhood, to be sure, to a great distance, in order to have repaid all our sacrifices. Let us examine this 13th article respecting the East India trade, and see if it does not bear a very strict analogy to the West India article that has been exploded.
We are to be admitted, it is true, in vessels of any size, but not suffered to settle or reside without leave of the local Government—that is, of the British East India Company. Of all the despotisms in the world that of a mercantile monopolizing company is the worst; yet into such hands we are to fall, and from them to solicit leave to reside or travel in the country. What security can there be for a commerce thus precariously conducted, in which your rivals are your judge?
The consumption of India goods being in a great degree out of the question in England, the Company, who have an annual revenue of a million and a half sterling to receive from their possessions in India, have hitherto sold them at vendue in Leadenhall street; and I believe, considering the credit our merchants usually obtained in London on those goods, and the low price the Company sold them at, they could afford to supply us cheaper in England than we could get them from India in time of peace. I find the East India Company themselves state, in 1788, that seventeen-twentieths of the calicoes imported by them were exported, and twelve-twentieths of the muslins also exported, thereby realizing, as they term it, the tribute which India pays to Great Britain through the medium of its commerce. In 1793 the Company state the internal consumption of India calicoes and muslins to be reduced in Britain to almost nothing. They add, every shop offers British muslins for sale, equal in appearance, and of more elegant patterns than those of India, for one-fourth, or perhaps more than one-third less in price. They say nine-tenths of all muslins and calicoes are sold for exportation.
The 15th article is one of the most objectionable of the whole Treaty, because it fundamentally contradicts all the provisions heretofore made by our Government for the encouragement and protection of the navigation of this country. By it it is settled that, so far as respects us, no tonnage duties shall be laid on British vessels but what shall be laid on those of all other nations; no duties on British articles but what shall be laid on those of every other nation; no embargo to affect Britain but what affects all other nations alike; American bottoms are left exposed to be charged, in the European British ports, tonnage duties equal to those laid on British bottoms here; countervailing duties may be laid in England to equalize the difference of duties on European or Asiatic goods imported here in British or American vessels; and no additional difference in tonnage or duties of this kind is to be made hereafter.
These principles deserve to be separately examined. They virtually repeal all the laws heretofore made as to navigation and impost, by indirectly equalizing the tonnage and duties on the British and American vessels; and they restrain, in future, the powers of Congress on some of the most important regulations of foreign commerce that could come before them.
On a review, then, of the commercial articles, they may be summed up as follows: West India trade left blank by the suspension of the 12th article. East India trade subjected to a condition of residence, rendering it precarious, and restricted to a landing of the goods exported in the United States, not known to have ever been imposed in any way similar, on any other nation trading to Bengal, while all nations are constantly allowed an equal liberty of trading there with ourselves. European, and both these trades, liable to an equalization of tonnage and duties, that cannot but operate unfavorably to the American navigation. Should the countervailing duties take place in the British ports in Europe on American vessels, they will probably be shut out of them altogether. In time of foreign war, our ships deprived of the neutral rights of carrying allowed them by Treaty with France and Spain, and exposed to be captured and detained on suspicion, as now daily happens. Naval stores exposed to confiscation by England, when shipped, at a time when she is at war, to the ports of her enemies.