Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)

by United States. Congress

Gentlemen asked whether war is not approaching? And whether the Executive is not hastening it? To the latter question he would answer in the negative; with respect to the other, he could not answer, as it depended on France, and so versatile and uncertain is every thing in that country, that no dependence can be had upon it. Mr. R. said, at the last session, when we had no intercourse with France, he thought it necessary we should have it: that intercourse had proved ineffectual; and though he sincerely wished for peace, yet he saw something in the conduct of France which almost precluded hope.

The gentleman from Virginia had said, that this country had frequently been stated as in a degraded state. He did not recollect to have made the declaration, but this was his opinion. When our national rights had been violated; when our commerce had been depredated; when the vessels of belligerent powers, which had sought an asylum in our waters, had been plundered and burnt, he thought it necessary to go into measures of defence. He thought our frigates ought not to have remained at the wharves; that our extensive sea-coast on which is much wealth, should not be unprotected: he thought our seaports, the principal depots of our revenue, ought to have been fortified. He joined his friends in their attempts to have carried these measures, and, when they failed, he could not help thinking his country was in a degraded state and that she had lost the spirit which animated her in the year 1775. He hoped, however, that now, when France had gone to the lengths which she has gone to, that there would have been only one sentiment as to the propriety of the measures formerly proposed. But though he thought the nation in a degraded state, he was not in favor of war. He believed the citizens of this country were not for it. He believed the Government was averse to war; and that no part of it was more so than the Executive. War would be a loss to this country; and to no individual more than the Executive. He is no warrior, and, consequently, war has no laurels in store for him.

The gentleman from Virginia has spoken of war as having something dazzling in perspective; something which flattered pride and ambition. But did the gentleman suppose that a war with France could be flattering to pride or ambition? It could not; it would be a war of prudence; we must shut ourselves up, and act on the defensive, and say, "when reason returns, when an ebb shall take place in the affairs of France, when her flow of victories shall be over, she will do us justice." In the mean time, we must defend ourselves. Mr. R. repeated, that he did not believe any man in that House could wish for war; when he looked around him and saw gentlemen whose wounds are yet sore from former service; when he saw them voting for measures of defence, he could not believe, nor could any believe, that they wished to plunge the country in war. It would sooner be believed that gentlemen who made the charges were mistaken.

Mr. Sewall was opposed to the proposition as it now stood, and hoped it would be amended. What effect it would then have, he left those to judge who introduced it. Mr. S. said, he and those who, on all questions of defence, had voted with him, had been endeavoring for some time to go into some measures of that kind, and to determine whether these measures should be confined to our own limits or be extended to the ocean. These measures ought now to be decided upon, as this is a moment in which our commerce is depredated upon in a most unprecedented manner. We are now, said he, called upon to consider the hazards of our situation. [Mr. S. then quoted a part of the President's Message, as to the situation of our affairs in France, and as to the decree which was proposed respecting the taking of English goods on board of neutral vessels, and the carrying of which was declared to make neutral vessels good prizes.] This last regulation, Mr. S. said, was a direct violation of the law of nations, and amounted to a declaration of war on the part of France against this country. But, instead of making any defence, gentlemen call upon the committee to declare we are not disposed to resort to war against the French Republic; so that, after we have been injured and abused, and denied the common rights of humanity, we are not to complain, but make a declaration that we will not go to war. Was then, he asked, a question of war a card of politeness? Did a nation ever make a declaration that it was not at war? It could not say so, except it were in so degraded a state that it had no rights capable of injury. To say we are not at war was to say no more than it is light when the sun shines; but to call upon the committee to say so at this time, was to degrade the nation from its independence, and below its character. The present state of things, Mr. S. said, ought to be considered as a state of war, not declared by us, but against us, by the French Republic; and if we want spirit to defend ourselves, let us not say so. We may refrain from acting, but let us not say we receive injuries with thankfulness. But this proposition goes still further. In a moment of public danger, it goes to divide and separate this House from the President of the United States. The gentleman from Virginia had well explained this resolution, when he said, it was intended to interrupt the views of the President of the United States. That gentleman considered the Message of the President as a declaration of war, and this resolution was to be in contradiction to it. If this was the sense in which it was to be understood, it was false in point of fact; for the President had neither declared war nor called upon Congress to declare war; no such sentiment could be found in the Message. To agree to the proposition as it stands, would be to give countenance to the assertion of the French Government, that we are a people divided from our Government; but, taking it with the amendment, he looked upon it as a harmless thing. Mr. S. concluded, by saying, that he considered the conduct of France in the light of war. How far we would resent it, was the question; whether offensively or defensively. He was in favor of defensive measures, as we are not equal to offensive measures, (he wished to God we were.) It was our weakness, and the division which had appeared in our councils, that had invited these attacks. He trusted they should now unite and repel them.

Mr. Gallatin said, before the speech of the gentleman who had just sat down, he could not discover what was the meaning of the amendment, to strike out the words "against the French Republic," as, when the House were in a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union for considering the late Message of the President, the resolution was perfectly consonant. Besides, we have no danger to apprehend from any other power, since our dispute is settled with Spain. The intention of the amendment was evidently to render the resolution as unmeaning as possible.

Every gentleman who had spoken on this subject, had agreed that war is not a desirable object for the United States. He gave them credit for the assertion. But this was not the question; but whether we are prepared to resort to war under existing circumstances. It is a question of fact. Mr. G. took notice of the different modes which had been attempted to defeat the resolution; but, though the present amendment were agreed to, he should still vote in favor of the resolution; for it would be effectual, in some degree, as it could only apply to the French nation, though it was not so expressed.

Mr. G. believed the United States had arrived at a crisis at which a stand ought to be made, in which it was necessary for Congress to say whether they will resort to war or preserve peace. He was led to this conclusion from a review of the conduct of France, and of the late Message of the President.

In respect to France, we know, that some time ago, she declared our treaty with her to be at an end; though not in words, the result was to deprive us of the advantages derived from that treaty. In the next place, she dismissed our Minister Plenipotentiary. Under these circumstances, the President called the extraordinary session of Congress, and when met together, after having related the reasons which induced this call, he concluded with saying, "that it was his sincere desire to preserve peace and friendship with all nations, and believing that neither the honor nor the interest of the United States absolutely forbade the repetition of advances for securing these desirable objects, he should not fail to promote and accelerate an accommodation," &c. The President accordingly sent Envoys to France, and the result of the embassy was given to Congress in the last Message, which was now under consideration, in which he says, "the object of the mission cannot be accomplished on terms compatible with the safety, honor, or the essential interests of the nation." The people of the United States are therefore informed, that negotiations are at an end, and that we cannot obtain redress for wrongs, but may expect a continuation of captures, in consequence of the decree which it was supposed was passed, for seizing all neutral vessels with British property, manufactures, or produce, on board. Mr. G. said, he differed in opinion from the gentleman last up, that this was a declaration of war. He allowed it would be justifiable ground of war for this country, and that, on this account, it was necessary to agree to, or reject the present proposition, in order to determine the ground intended to be taken. For, though there may be justifiable cause for war, if it is not our interest to go to war, the resolution will be agreed to.

There was another reason why this resolution ought to be now decided, which arose from the conduct of our Executive. He has declared that a change of circumstances has taken place which has occasioned him to withdraw his order forbidding merchant vessels to arm; which amounts to this, that he now permits vessels of the United States to use means of defence against any attack which may be made upon them. Mr. G. thought it necessary, therefore, to declare, whether we were to pursue measures of war or peace. Before measures are taken which will lead to war, the House ought to decide whether it is their intention at present to go to war.

The gentleman from New York had spoken of the difference between offensive and defensive war. This related to the motives, more than to the manner, of carrying on war; because when war is once entered into, though it may be at first defensive, it cannot remain so. It would be ridiculous, for instance, to say, that our frigates should prevent our vessels from being taken; but that they should not take French privateers.