He considered the Message in a different view from many gentlemen. But admitting, for the sake of argument, that the President had declared an opinion upon the facts stated by him, that war was inevitable; gentlemen must consider the fact to be true; if they doubted it, they ought to demand information. How would this resolution then stand? In reply to assurances that negotiation had failed; that our Commissioners were treated with neglect and contempt; that letters of marque and reprisal were issued against our vessels; and that the most hostile appearances were discernible on the part of France; it was proposed to declare, that with them, and them only, it was inexpedient to resort to war. Such a proposal would hardly be found in the annals of the most humble and degraded nation.
He disapproved of the resolution, though he should vote for the amendment, and would not, on the present occasion, follow gentlemen who had gone at large into the merits of the resolution. Upon the extent of the defensive measures proposed by gentlemen, his feelings inclined him to enlarge; but this discussion would be more pertinent upon some other question. He would merely hint, that actual invasion might not be the worst calamity to this country. He could conceive of a partial invasion of our territory that would be much less injurious, and attended with much less loss than the total ruin of our commerce.
The call for the committee to rise being repeated,
Mr. N. Smith hoped gentlemen would be satisfied to take the question, which he thought very unimportant. The time consumed in discussing it was, however, important, as other concerns called for attention. He knew there were gentlemen who chose rather to address the people of the United States than to legislate. He thought it better to legislate, than to preach to the people. He looked upon the present resolution as a text from which it was intended to alarm the people with respect to war, and he wished not to indulge gentlemen in their design. He wished the question to be taken for another reason. It was suggested by the gentleman from Virginia, that the Message of the President was considered by the people as a declaration of war, and that reports were in circulation, that a treaty, offensive and defensive, was concluded with Great Britain. After this, he would call the attention of the committee to the resolution, which was, in effect, to say, we must interfere, or war will be brought upon the country. Did not this go to sanction a report which was as false and malignant as even jacobinism could invent? It did; and he hoped, they would not so far sanction the report, as to let the motion lie before them undecided.
Mr. Dayton hoped the committee would rise. The gentleman last up began with saying the proposition was of no importance; but, before he sat down, showed that he thought differently. Mr. D. thought it was of importance that the committee should come to a right decision upon it, and say whether it ought to be agreed to in general terms, or rejected.
Mr. N. Smith explained.
Mr. J. Williams thought the question trifling, and hoped a decision would be had upon it.
Mr. Giles said, the question was a question of peace or war, and yet gentlemen call it trifling. He did not mean to alarm the people of the United States, but he wished them to understand their situation. He acknowledged he was himself much alarmed. Gentlemen were willing to engage in defensive, but not in offensive war; but when war was once begun it would not be in the power of the United States to keep it within the character of defensive war. Indeed the gentleman from Massachusetts, when he spoke of defensive war, confessed our inability for offensive war, and uttered a prayer to the Supreme Being that we were able to engage offensively; and where, he asked, with such sentiments, is the difference between offensive and defensive war? He could see none; he deprecated war of every kind.
Mr. J. Williams hoped the question would be taken. As he before stated, he thought it trifling, and the debate upon it only calculated to alarm the people, which seemed to be the object of gentlemen. If the question was not taken before they adjourned, much debate would be had, and much time spent to very little purpose. He thought it very extraordinary, as no one was found to bring forward a resolution to declare war, that a gentleman would introduce a resolution of its being inexpedient so to do. He was persuaded that this negative mode of proceeding was calculated to draw on a debate, to set the people against the Executive. Time, he said, was precious; they had sat near five months and done but little, much remained to be done, and as all had declared their aversion to a war, the people should be undeceived. He had himself seen gentlemen write upon the late Message of the President, for the purpose of sending to their constituents, "A war message against France."