Mr. Macon wished the gentleman would name who had thus written.
A call of order took place: and a motion was made for the committee to rise, and carried.
Wednesday, March 28.
Relations with France.
The House again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, when the amendment to the first of Mr. Sprigg's propositions, as to the inexpediency, under existing circumstances, of resorting to war against the French Republic, being under consideration; which amendment is to strike out the words "French Republic,"
Mr. Pinckney rose and said, he was in favor of the amendment, because it tended to make what he thought an improper proposition, in some degree, nugatory; for he believed to agree to the resolution without it, would be prejudicial to the interest and welfare of the country, as he did not think the period had arrived which called for a decision on measures of war or peace. If such a declaration had been necessary, he should have expected it to come from gentlemen in favor of a war, declaring, that it is expedient to go to war, as it was a very uncommon thing to declare we will not do a thing. His strongest reason against coming to this resolution, however, was, that at this period the House had not sufficient information concerning the whole of this business, to enable them to form a correct judgment upon it. The President told the House, indeed, that he had little hope of a favorable termination of the negotiation, but they knew nothing of the train of the negotiation, or of the circumstances attending it. They knew that our Commissioners had not been received; but they had not sufficient information as to the manner in which they had been treated, to enable them to come to the decision proposed.
The gentleman who proposed the resolution, said it was time to come forward and declare whether we will have peace or war. Would to God, said Mr. P., it was in our power, by any such declaration, to avert war, or maintain peace; but he believed this did not depend upon any declaration of ours. In questions of war there were always two parties, one of whom was generally the aggressor, and the other generally passive. In the present case, he considered this country as the passive party, and, therefore, any declaration on our part would have little effect. We know that individuals or nations induced to pursue measures from interest or passion, are not easily diverted from their purpose. If the French are actuated by either of these motives, no declaration of ours will prevent the calamity. Such a proposition would rather accelerate than prevent the evil. If our declarations could have availed, they have not been wanting. From the first period of a misunderstanding between the two countries, declarations have been made deprecating war in general terms, but particularly with that nation. A Minister Plenipotentiary had been sent to explain the views of this Government, and to remove any jealousies which might exist, and to make such specific propositions as were thought necessary; but our Minister was rejected without a hearing. The next measure was, to send special Commissioners, in order to settle our differences and avert the calamity of war. We have, therefore, made sufficient declarations of our pacific intentions. Indeed, he thought too much had been rested on these declarations, as nothing had been done for our defence. When we looked at our seaports, and saw their defenceless condition, he thought it evident sufficient attention had not been paid to them, knowing that war might, at least, be a possible event.
This resolution differed exceedingly from any thing which took place when we had a misunderstanding with England in 1794. At that time, when England issued her extraordinary Order of the 4th of November, and our commerce was depredated upon, measures were spoken of for countervailing the injuries which our citizens experienced, but no proposition like the present was produced. We are now aggrieved and injured in a most extraordinary manner, but we say we will not go to war. On a former occasion he had heard of a variety of restrictive regulations, proposed with a view of restraining the injuries committed upon us, and to bring Great Britain to reason; and he did expect something similar would have been proposed on the present occasion, but nothing of the kind had appeared. It was true we had not so great hold of the French nation as of the British, in this respect, but we had some; and he believed measures might be taken which would induce the nation to hear reason. But, instead of this, it was proposed that we should say, we have been injured and aggrieved; but we will not oppose you, we will not go to war with you.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Gallatin) had gone further than perhaps the resolution on the table would warrant. He says, the adoption of this resolution will go to prevent the taking of any measures which may, in their tendency, lead to war. If gentlemen meant by this, that it was to prevent any measures being taken for the protection of our commerce, the adoption of the resolution would not only declare that we will not go to war, but that we will not take any measures for the defence of our property. It appeared to him that that gentleman had himself given the best reasons for modifying this resolution, so as to make it as little mischievous as possible. For he had told the committee that France had set at naught her treaty with us; but though they have done this, said Mr. P., they have endeavored to justify their depredations, by insisting that, according to that treaty, it was necessary for vessels to carry a rôle d'equipage. Mr. P. added, there was another Order of the French Government which was so contrary to right, so cruel in its consequences, so degrading to this country, and so inhuman in its tendency, that he could not avoid noticing it. It was the decree which declares that every American citizen found on board the privateer of an enemy, shall be considered and treated as a pirate. They pretended to found this Order on our treaty with Great Britain; but he wished gentlemen who thought it justifiable, to turn to that treaty, and see whether there was any thing there which countenanced so violent a measure. But this is not all, the gentleman from Pennsylvania allowed that a decree had lately been passed which violates all the laws of neutral nations, viz; that if the property, manufactures, or produce, of an enemy be found on board a neutral vessel, it shall be good prize. Our Ministers, also, who were commissioned to conciliate, and even to make concessions, though they had been in Paris three months, cap in hand, had not been able to get a hearing. Under all these grievances, what, said he, are we called upon to do? He should not have been surprised if some one, fired with the injuries we have received, had brought forward a proposition for war. But, instead of this, smarting as we are under injuries, our commerce bleeding at every pore, and our country deeply humiliated, we are called upon to say: You have done every thing to injure, insult, and degrade us, but we have deserved it: we will do nothing to oppose you. Though God and nature have given us power, we will not go to war with you, neither on the present occasion, nor on any other, whatever injury you may commit upon us.
However humiliating our conduct might be, he repeated, it would have no effect upon that nation. He did not wish to animadvert upon the conduct of any country; but there was one instance of the treatment which the French Republic has exhibited to an independent State, which he could not help noticing. It was in respect to Venice, which would show, that no humiliation, no concession, would avert the calamity which threatens us, if the rulers of the country are determined upon war. If he was not misinformed, the circumstances of the case were as follows: The Venetians were at peace, and endeavoring to pursue a line of neutrality. A tumult arose in one of their towns, and the populace did, in a barbarous and most unjustifiable manner, massacre a number of French soldiers. This was an injury which called for and deserved atonement. A retaliation took place fully commensurate with the crime. The Venetians made every concession in their power. But the French commander was not satisfied; he took vengeance upon them by overturning their Government—a Government which had stood the test of five hundred years. He should have supposed that the French would now have been satisfied; but the matter did not stop here. The Government being overturned, the people were promised a free Government, and an amelioration of their condition. They were proceeding in the establishment of a Government; but, when the treaty came to be made between the French Republic and the Emperor, he supposed it was thought to be for the interest of that Republic to sacrifice a part of this territory, and to give it up to the Emperor, to take a part to themselves, and to annex another part to the Cisalpine Republic. This was done; and he believed the very part which had committed the offence against the French Government, had been rewarded by being joined to a free Government.