Mr. Gallatin said, one of the objects of this bill when it passed at the last session, was to prevent depredations upon our commerce; but a majority of the House who voted for it, did so with a view of compelling France, by the loss of our trade to her islands, to come to reasonable terms of settlement with the United States. It was then said by some gentlemen, that it was not improbable that the trade to the West Indies was even more advantageous to the United States than to France, valuable as it was to her; and that, therefore, it would not produce the effect predicted. This was his opinion, and he therefore voted against the bill. But, though he voted against this measure, and some others, which, he thought at the time premature, yet a majority of Congress having, by adopting them, placed the nation in its present situation, whatever his opinion might then have been, and whatever it might now be, as to the probability of an end being put to our differences with France, he should think it bad policy, under present circumstances, to recede from the ground then taken, since such a conduct could betray nothing but weakness, and tend to defeat the object which all doubtless have in view, whatever might be the different opinions of obtaining it, an honorable peace. Though this law, therefore, was limited to the present session, he was ready to vote for a continuance of it; but the section now under consideration goes entirely upon new ground, and entirely different to any either taken or avowed at the last session.
The law now in existence, said Mr. G., has a section something similar to this, though widely different in substance. It is to this effect; that if, before the next session of Congress, the Government of France, and all persons under its authority, shall disavow and be found to refrain from depredations upon our commerce, then it shall be lawful for the President to suspend the operation of this law. Not to any part, but with the whole. By that law, we said, "We are not yet at war with you, we will adopt such measures as we think necessary for our present situation. We will suspend commerce with you as a nation; but if you, as a nation, shall disavow and refrain from depredations, we have given the President power to renew our commercial intercourse with you."
But what, said Mr. G., is the language of this section? It is this. [He read the section as above.] It is, that if any part of the nation, or any commanding officer, or person claiming authority, in any one port, or island, shall take those steps which we consider necessary for that nation to take, it shall be lawful for the President to remit and discontinue the restraints, prohibitions, &c. Instead of taking a general national ground, it provides for the negotiation of an individual, on his private account, who may either exercise, or claim to exercise, authority in any island, &c.
We are not, said Mr. G., at war, and an act of this kind is an act which, if it can be justified at all, can only be made use of in a state of war. It is only in such a state that we are authorized to declare, that we will act a different part with certain parts of a country at war, from what we meant to act with the whole; that we will negotiate, treat, make specific regulations with private individuals, provided they shall do—what? Disavow what the French Republic does not disavow. The present act makes it necessary for the disavowal to come from the Government; but this section says, "that although the French Government shall not disavow or restrain her depredations, &c., yet if an individual shall do it, we will open a trade with this individual." This would be to encourage insurrections. It is establishing a doctrine which is reprobated almost every day on this floor—that it is right to divide a people from their Government.
Mr. G. conceived, therefore, that the question comes to this: Is it proper to give power to the President, under our present circumstances, to stipulate with certain agents, that in case they will disobey their Government, by declaring themselves independent, or by throwing themselves into other hands, we will renew our commercial intercourse with you? No man, said Mr. G., will deny that a trade of this kind would be advantageous to the United States; he believed it to be one of the most lucrative branches of our commerce; but it was nevertheless thought proper, at the last session, to suspend it, in order, as then supposed, to effect a greater good. Therefore, this commerce being advantageous to the United States, is not a sufficient reason why this measure should be taken, if it be wrong in itself, and may produce greater mischiefs than the trade can do us good.
What, said Mr. G., are the inconveniences which would arise from a measure of this kind? It must be allowed, in the first place, that it would give the lie to all our former declarations of abhorrence against the attempts of other countries to divide the people of a nation from their Government; for we here, said he, assume the ground that it is proper to negotiate and stipulate with a part of the people, with a certain district of a country, with any person who shall choose to say that he claims the right of governing in any place. We abandon the general ground of treating with a foreign Government, and determine to treat with any individual who may either have, or claim to have, authority. Mr. G. believed a principle of this kind at all times improper; and it would be peculiarly improper in us to act upon it, with respect to a nation, against which we have so many grounds of complaint of this kind. He had already stated, that it could only be justified in a state of war, if then, to hold out encouragement to insurrection and rebellion to the colonies of another country.
Mr. G. believed he might go so far as to say that this section was not inserted to meet the case spoken of by the gentleman from Maryland; but for the admission of one which had been a subject of discussion in the newspapers for some time past. He meant what was generally understood by the mission of Toussaint, a black General, of St. Domingo. It had been asserted, from the moment of the arrival of a supposed agent, that he came here with the late Consul of the United States at that port; that he brought despatches from Toussaint to our Government. Further than this, we have seen, in some of the newspapers printed at the eastward, that this mission is likely to have some effect. We have seen it there stated, "that the President is neither rash nor diffident, and that good effects may be expected to flow from this mission." So far, on the authority of the public newspapers, and none of these assertions have been denied.
Should I be doing right, said Mr. G., to say that I believe that this section of the bill is an effect of that negotiation? It is true I only deduce this from probability, but the probability is strong. Mr. G. said he knew that the independence of St. Domingo had been a favorite theme with gentlemen, and they had made an appeal upon it to the avarice of the people of the United States, that, in case of war, this independence would be of advantage to the United States, and that, during a time of peace, the minds of the people ought to be prepared for this event. But gentlemen seem to think that the public mind is not yet ready for this change, or they do not choose to avow the object of this mission. Which, he could not tell; but he would advise those gentlemen who have received information on this subject to communicate it. Mr. G. said he should be happy to know the subject of the despatches of General Toussaint. What is his offer to our Government? Whether his ideas go to independence or not? Whether he is in any way connected with the British Government, or not? Whether the sudden and extraordinary evacuation of St. Domingo by General Maitland was to promote something of this kind, or to support the force of General Toussaint? He should wish to know what is the disposition of the Executive with respect to this business, so far as it shall have come to the knowledge of any of these gentlemen. He would also be glad to know the disposition of this agent, or the nature of his object, at least so much of it as may have escaped at any petit soupér or dinér, at which these gentlemen may have been parties? If any such information could be obtained, it might tend to throw some light upon the subject. If he should be mistaken in his views of it, it would be wholly owing to his being deprived of that information, which he believed either the Executive, or some of the members on this floor possess.
Mr. G. believed the object of this section is to give encouragement to the black General in his present views. A single sentiment had dropped from the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Otis) in the course of the debate, which had given rise to part of what he had said on this subject, and which led him to believe that he had some information which he ought to communicate. He said, "if St. Domingo should finally be independent, it was proper to cultivate a good understanding with that island at present, and not refuse"—what? "to hold out certain encouragement to them in such an event." When? Now; so that we are not only to cultivate a good understanding with St. Domingo, if it should become independent, but in the expectation of it, and before it takes place, it is proper to cultivate a good understanding with that island, by holding out the encouragement proposed by this bill. This was nothing less than to confess that this section is inserted in the bill to encourage Toussaint to declare the island independent. Nay, his views, if he is a man of sense, must go further; he must not only secure a temporary trade, but he would also desire to know whether it be the wish of this country that St. Domingo should become independent; because he should suppose that if the Government of the United States was opposed to such an event, a temporary trade would not be a sufficient inducement to him to throw off his present allegiance.
To me, however, said Mr. G., if it be the intention of the General to declare it, the independence of St. Domingo is a very problematical event. It would certainly be the interest of Great Britain to oppose an attempt of this kind; since it could not be her interest to have a black Government there. But supposing the event possible, he should consider it as extremely injurious to the interests of the United States. Suppose that island, with its present population, under present circumstances, should become an independent State. What is this population? It is known to consist, almost altogether, of slaves just emancipated, of men who received their first education under the lash of the whip, and who have been initiated to liberty only by that series of rapine, pillage, and massacre, that have laid waste and deluged that island in blood; of men, who, if left to themselves, if altogether independent, are by no means likely to apply themselves to the peaceable cultivation of the country, but will try to continue to live, as heretofore, by plunder and depredations. No man, said Mr. G., wishes more than I do to see an abolition of slavery, when it can be properly effected; but no man would be more unwilling than I to constitute a whole nation of freed slaves, who had arrived to the age of thirty years, and thus to throw so many wild tigers on society.[39] If the population of St. Domingo can remain free in that island, he had no objection; but, however free, he did not wish to have them independent, and he would rather see them under a government that would be likely to keep them where they are, and prevent them from committing depredations out of the island. But if they were left to govern themselves, they might become more troublesome to us, in our commerce to the West Indies, than the Algerines ever were in the Mediterranean; they might also become dangerous neighbors to the Southern States, and an asylum for renegadoes from those parts.