This being the case, Mr. G. said, he must deprecate every encouragement which may be held out to produce such an event. Did not gentlemen recollect what an alarm was sounded last year, with respect to the probability of an invasion of the Southern States from the West Indies; an alarm upon which some of the strongest measures of the last session were grounded? Mr. G. could not help hoping, there would be a general wish not to take any measure which may embody so dangerous a description of men in our neighborhood, whose object may be plunder, and who might visit the States of South Carolina and Georgia, and spread their views among the negro people there, and excite dangerous insurrections among them. He did not wish, therefore, to see this black population independent; and that the interest will be wholly black is clear. The General is black, and his agent here is married to a black woman in this city. Mr. G. did not mean by this to throw any reflection upon the General. He believed he had behaved well to Americans. His remarks were general, and were only intended to show that it would be with a black population we must treat.

Wednesday, January 23.

Mr. S. Smith said, that if he thought with the gentleman from Pennsylvania, that the clause under consideration was connected with the mission from Toussaint, and the separation of Hispaniola from France, or with an intention of dividing the people of that island from their Government, he should also be opposed to it; but believing, as he did, that it would be productive of none but good effects to this country, he was in favor of retaining the clause.[40]

It might be well, Mr. S. said, to take a view of the relation which had subsisted between France and her colonies for some years back. Early in the Revolution, Santhonax and Polverel were sent as Commissioners to Hispaniola, for the purpose of governing the island, and to carry into effect the decree of the French Government for liberating the slaves. They conducted themselves in a friendly manner towards America, but destructively to the northern part of Hispaniola, and particularly towards Cape Francois. The disastrous contest which took place between the whites and blacks, to the destruction of the former, is well known. From the abuse of their power, these Commissioners were recalled. Polverel had not sufficient courage to appear before the French Government, and put an end to his existence. Santhonax went to France, and was sent out again to the island. Still he was favorable to this country, until the decree of France declared that their vessels of war should treat neutral vessels in the same manner as neutral powers suffered Great Britain to treat them. Santhonax then issued his decree of December, 1797, and American vessels were taken and carried into Hispaniola indiscriminately, and unsuspectingly, not under the authority of France, but under the authority of this agent. Not content with this abuse of his power, Santhonax sent Deforneaux, the Commissioner of Guadaloupe, to the south side of Hispaniola, to carry his plans into effect there; but Rigaud, a man of color, and an honest man, who had gained the esteem of the people, who was in power there, frustrated the attempt. Deforneaux attempted to escape, but was taken and sent to France. We see, therefore, that Santhonax made no scruple to set aside the decrees of France; and in this manner has Rigaud ever done, repealing and preventing the execution of the decrees of France, whenever he disliked them. And was Rigaud punished by France for thus exercising his power or not? No; he was made Commander-in-chief of the south side of the island for having sent off Deforneaux. Hedouville succeeded Santhonax in the Government, and brought with him the power to execute or not, as he judged proper, the decree of the Directory directing the capture of neutral vessels with British manufactures on board. He determined that this decree should not be carried into effect against vessels bound to Hispaniola. Did he carry his purpose into effect? So far as his (Mr. S.'s) information went, he did.

Here, then, we see Hedouville setting aside the decrees of France; and Rigaud has not only prevented American vessels from being condemned, but has thrown the captains of privateers into prison for daring to bring in American vessels, and has caused such as have been carried into Jacquemel, on account of not having a rôle d'equipage, to be delivered up immediately. Victor Hugues, upon the recall of Mr. Adet, ordered that all vessels carrying on trade to what he called rebel ports, should be brought in and made legal prizes of. This was another separate authority. He afterwards issued orders for the condemnation of vessels coming into Guadaloupe with a supercargo, who should either be an Irish or a Scotchman, though they had every necessary paper on board to show that they were bound to that port, and vessels were condemned for this alone; and this is not seen in any of the decrees of France. Mr. S. understood this clause as intended to meet cases of this kind; and, so far from this being offensive to France, it must be quite the reverse. Under this law, said Mr. S., the President will be enabled to say to these special agents, "if you will suspend your decrees with respect to your islands our trade shall be opened to you," and by this means give to our citizens a commerce which is a mine of gold to them. Such a conduct, he thought, must appear to every one perfectly reasonable.

The gentleman from Pennsylvania says that the independence of Hispaniola would be dangerous to the Southern States. But does this bill, said Mr. S., contemplate any such thing? Does it not say that the agents must be under the Government of France? If the island were to declare itself independent, we could not, said he, prevent our merchants from trading with it; or if it should be in a state of rebellion, they would trade with it at all risks, without coming under this act. This bill seems, instead of encouraging the independence of the island, to place an obstacle in the way of it. It promises to the commanding officer the trade of this country, so long as he remains attached to France, and forbears to depredate upon our commerce; but the moment he declares himself independent, that promise is no longer binding.

Certain words in this clause are complained of; and Mr. S. owned he did not like them himself. He meant the words, "shall clearly disavow;" and, if this motion should not prevail, he would move to strike them out. He should be satisfied if the islands refrained from depredating upon our trade, without making any disavowal. Mr. S. said he could by no means bring his mind to believe that this clause could give encouragement to the people of Hispaniola to rebel against their country. Toussaint, said he, is not the only Governor of that island. Rigaud, who, as he had already stated, is a man of color and a man of excellent character, who has great hold of the affections of the people, and whose attachments are also strong to the French Government, has also a considerable share of authority; and Toussaint, in his opinion, would not on this account dare to declare the island independent.

But suppose, said Mr. S., this independence were to take place, would all the danger to this country actually take place which has been stated? In his opinion the reverse would be true. Refuse to these people our commerce, and the provisions of which they stand in need, and you compel them to become pirates and dangerous neighbors to the Southern States; but, so long as you supply them, they will turn their attention to the cultivation of their plantations. If, on the contrary, they once get a taste for plunder, they will never settle to labor.

Mr. S. observed that it was the other day said that truth was the characteristic of the Federal party. It might be so, though he had found it otherwise; but the characteristics of party, he observed, always is detraction, suspicion, and jealousy, whether it be called this or that. On the present occasion he found jealousy and doubts had intruded on the minds of gentlemen who would, at other times, see very differently. He did not mean to throw any censure upon them on this account, because they doubtless believe themselves right. This party spirit, said Mr. S., is every where to be found. The gentleman from Connecticut had the other day said that he (Mr. S.) had constantly voted against every measure of defence, yet if he would have read the journals, he would have found the reverse the fact. [The Chairman doubted whether this was connected with the question.][41] Mr. S. concluded by saying that the more gentlemen think on the subject, the more they will be convinced the bill is not pregnant with the mischiefs which they apprehend.

Mr. Nicholas said it would be difficult to ascertain precisely where truth is to be found; whether in the extremes of party or in a middle course. The gentleman from Maryland says party men are always in the wrong; therefore he supposed that gentleman to be of opinion that those who vibrate between two parties are always in the right. In considering this question, he should do it according to his best judgment. If his mind should be so operated upon by party spirit as not to see the truth, it would be his misfortune.