The House took up the report of the Committee of the Whole on the bill for encouraging the capture of French privateers, by allowing a bounty on guns, and the motion being to concur in the agreement of the committee to strike out the first section of the bill,
Mr. Macon said, there were some other observations made the other day, when this subject was under consideration, which he thought very foreign to the subject. The history of this bill during the last session was given. The House was told it was three times rejected—once by trick. He was surprised to hear two gentlemen make use of this expression. If there was any trick, it certainly was among those gentlemen who had so frequently brought the subject before the House. It had been said, also, that it was once rejected by accident. It was the first time he had ever heard it urged as a reason for reconsidering a subject, that certain members had before voted accidentally upon it. Another reason was given, that the vote in the Committee of the Whole had been improperly obtained, by taking advantage of a mistake of the Chairman. By the rules of the House, Mr. M. said, the Speaker, or Chairman of a Committee of the Whole, has a casting vote, or they may tie a vote; but, after the Chairman had declared the question carried, it might be supposed he did not mean to vote, or if he did that he meant to vote with the majority.
Mr. M. said, he had seen a letter printed in the papers from one of our naval commanders in the West Indies, wherein he says, that American vessels sail into the neighborhood of the French islands, in order to be carried in; that they afterwards get away, pretending to have made their escape, and soon return with another cargo. He also mentions having fallen in with one of these vessels evidently steering for a French island, but the vessel's papers were so well managed, and the captain and mate understood each other so well, that he could make nothing of them. If, said Mr. M., the laws for suspending our intercourse with France and her possessions can be so easily evaded, might it not be expected that this law would be evaded, and that privateers might be fitted out in the West Indies, and brought to a certain latitude, for the purpose of being taken? He had no doubt this would be the case.
Mr. McDowell said, that when this bill was before under discussion, he had stated that our situation with respect to France appeared to be more favorable than last year. This was denied by the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Otis.) He considers our danger greater, and this bill more necessary than at that time; and has gone on to remark, that all that was said about our improved situation with respect to France, were songs only fit for children, and not for the people of America. He was of a different opinion; they were the songs of peace, and as such, he believed, suited to the people of this country, who wish to live in peace. And if that gentleman knew more of the evils attendant on war than he does, he certainly would not be so ready to embrace them as he appears to be.
But he thought the gentleman from Massachusetts mistaken as to our situation; he believed it to be much better than it was at the last session. He formed this opinion from the despatches of Mr. Gerry, who declares it to be his opinion, that France is sincerely disposed to make peace; and more particularly from the President having nominated a Minister to treat with France, though he had declared he never would send another Minister until he should receive assurances that he would be received as the Minister of a great, free, and powerful nation. He supposed, therefore, that the President has received these assurances, and that we have, on this account, some reason to hope, that a reconciliation between the two Governments will take place.
He was opposed to this bill, because it might be the means of bringing the country into difficulties and war; it was giving to one part of our citizens the power to embroil the whole. No necessity has been shown to exist for this law; it is, indeed, said to be necessary to keep down the privateers of France, but we find by letters which have just been published, from the commanders of our armed vessels, that there are very few to be seen. But supposing there are yet a number of them, what better use can our public armed vessels be put to than to go after them? They must either be employed in doing this, or sent where he did not wish them to go, to the European seas, or kept useless at home.
Mr. Gallatin would not have troubled the House on this subject, had it not been for the remark of the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Otis) immediately before the adjournment took place on Monday. He told the House that the vote on this subject ought not to be influenced by the nomination of a minister to go to France; and he precluded any answer being then given to the remark, by moving an adjournment.
For my part, said Mr. G., I do not consider this bill as very important in itself, and I have always been at a loss to know why there appeared to be so great an anxiety to have it passed. It is said, we ought not to recede from the ground we have taken; and really, from the arguments of the gentleman from Massachusetts, it would appear that there was a motion before the House to prevent our merchants from arming their vessels, or our public vessels from taking French privateers. This measure brings us to the question, not whether we will recede, but whether we will progress. The object of this bill is not to authorize any new measure, but it is to give a bounty to merchants to do what they are already authorized to do. The only question is, whether it will promote the taking of French privateers? He believed it would produce no effect at all, except the blanks in the bill are to be filled with sums which would produce a very serious demand on our treasury. The object of merchants is to make a safe and quick voyage, and if privateers will keep out of their way, they will never go in search of them: and if they should fall in with a privateer, their aim would be self-defence, and not capture, since to attempt this might hazard the loss of their vessel and valuable cargo, and take from them means of defence against any other attack, since they must put their own men on board the captured privateer.
It is clear, therefore, said Mr. G., that one of two things must take place, either we must give such a bounty on the guns of privateers as will make the expense of taking them greater than the benefit, or else it will become a mere matter of speculation, or small vessels will be fitted out on purpose to obtain the bounty. When privateers are taken by other countries, they are always taken by their vessels of war, and seldom by letters of marque.
But it is said this measure ought to be taken, in order to strengthen the hands of our Minister, by showing our determination to resist, in case an accommodation does not take place. On the same grounds, Mr. G. said, a declaration of war might be urged.