As to the effect to be expected from the appointment of a Minister to treat with France, he considered it merely as opening a door to negotiation. He agreed with the gentleman from Massachusetts, that it ought by no means to be considered as putting an end to the dispute between the two countries. It may succeed, or not. But this step having been taken, he did not think proper to go into a measure of this kind, especially since it can be attended with so little good effect.
Mr. Josiah Parker said, when he gave notice to the House on Monday of the nomination of a Minister to go to France, and declared that, on that account, he should vote against this bill, he did not do so because he was willing to relax from any of our measures of defence or offence against the French; but because he thought the measure proposed by this bill puerile and ineffectual, and therefore unnecessary. When he made this declaration, he was sorry to differ in opinion from the gentleman from Massachusetts, with whom he had had the honor to vote very frequently. At the same time that he said this, he declared himself ready to abide by every measure of defence yet adopted, and even to take higher ground than has yet been taken: for he had no opinion either of the magnanimity or sincerity of the French Republic. He believed they had no desire for peace, except such as arose from their changed situation. He thought it better, however, not to go into any little, irritating measure, like this. The President had heretofore told the House that he would never send another Minister to France until he received assurances that he would be properly received; he believed the President had received these assurances from the French Minister at the Hague, through our Minister there.
Mr. P. thought the second section of this bill, allowing a salvage on the retaking of any of our vessels, ought to pass; the first he hoped would be struck out.
Mr. Pinckney was sorry to differ in opinion from the gentleman just sat down as to the expediency of passing this bill. He did not think it a measure of great importance; but, as an additional measure of defence, it may have some effect, and he was therefore for agreeing to it. He thought the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Gallatin) had put the prospect of a negotiation with France upon a proper footing; and he agreed with that gentleman that we ought not to vary the ground we have already taken; but he did not think that any augmentation of force would be going off the ground originally taken.
What, asked Mr. P., was the ground taken at the last session, and acted upon at this? It was, that we should, by all means in our power, prepare for our defence, more especially that we should add to every measure of defence to which our revenue is adequate, on the ocean. We have shown this to be our determination both at the last session and this, and our preparations have only been limited by our ability to make them. This measure, therefore, is a continuance of the same ground.
This bill reverts, therefore, altogether upon the question of expediency, and this he thought the proper footing on which to place it. The gentleman from Pennsylvania has objected to its expediency, because he says it will be inefficacious. Mr. P. would give a short answer to this, which was, that its expense will be commensurate with its utility. There is no doubt, if it has any effect at all; if it induces any private armed vessels of the United States to bring into our ports privateers which are depredating on our commerce, no moderate reward could be too great to be given for this advantage. And if there is nothing done; if the law proves ineffectual, then the public is nothing out of pocket. It is one of those cheap expedients which may be beneficial, but which can have no bad consequences.
Mr. Harper believed that gentlemen, in their deliberations on this subject, have fallen into some mistakes as to the course which this bill took at the last session. Mr. H. gave the history of this bill, and also spoke of the decision which had taken place in Committee of the Whole as by no means conclusive. On the general policy of the measure, he was not inclined to make any observations. He believed it was well understood; but he would not omit this occasion of declaring, that, in his opinion, its policy had not been changed by the nomination which has taken place of a Minister to treat with the French Republic.
It is said that an intimation has been made, not through the Dutch Minister, but through the Secretary of Legation at the Hague, to our Minister there, that the French government is disposed to receive any Minister Plenipotentiary which we may choose to appoint, suitable to the dignity due to the representative of a great, free, and independent nation. This intimation having been given to the President, he has thought it proper to meet the advance so far as to nominate a Minister, which Minister is to go to France, provided he shall receive assurances of being properly received, and a Minister of equal rank appointed to treat with him.
This change, Mr. H. said, from haughty insolence; from the expulsion of our Minister; from a demand of tribute; from requiring apologies for speeches; from outrage and insult, to the mild language of supplication, must certainly have been owing to the measures of this Government, and therefore clearly evinced the policy and propriety of these measures. We have thus far, said Mr. H., seen the good effects of buckling on our armor, at the same time that we hold out the olive branch. And instead of relaxing, we ought now to brace up the system; not that he would wish to take any new ground but merely reinforce and invigorate the system already established. This he thought the true policy of this country. Whether this application for a negotiation on the part of the French Republic may arise from sincerity, or from a wish to wheedle this country to their own advantage, or because they perceive we are not to be bullied into submission, and therefore it is best to live on friendly terms with us, he held it wise policy in us to enlarge our means both of defence and offence, until our dispute with France is brought to a close. He, therefore, thought it of more importance to adopt this measure now than heretofore; because, if it is not carried, it may be supposed that we have forborne to adopt it, because we are disposed to relax the instant we have information that a negotiation is likely to be opened, and that they may at any time unnerve our arm by a proposition to negotiate. Therefore, if he had before been against this measure, he should now be in favor of it, because, if it had no other good effect, it would convince the government with which we are about to treat, that the same vigorous measures which have produced this negotiation will still be continued, and that though we are treating for peace, we are preparing for war, and that we are determined to do ourselves justice, if they refuse to do us justice. For these reasons he hoped the bill would pass.
Mr. Livingston said, that considering how great a favorite this measure had been of its partial parents, it was the most unlucky child that ever showed its face in the House. It had scarcely seen the light at the last session, when it was lost in the short passage from its nursery in the committee to the House, because those who were most interested in its preservation, by accident, did not happen to vote for it. Another accident of the same nature prevented its passage when it was again attempted in the same session. At the interval of a year, the same ill fortune seemed to pursue this unlucky bantling. It had scarcely taken its first step into existence when the same forgetfulness seemed to seize all those who had the care of it. Again, it was lost in the committee; again it accidentally expired; and all the efforts to revive it, he believed, would be in vain. Mr. L. then went into a history of the bill to show that it was lost, not by accident, but because a majority were opposed to it.