Mr. L. said, he understood that France proposes to receive a Minister from this country on the very terms upon which only the President of the United States has heretofore said he would ever send one. It was said to be improper to recede from the ground we have taken on this account, because the French may not be sincere. He had heard no such idea suggested, and gentlemen certainly do wrong in imputing motives to others without foundation. But when gentlemen come to the merits of the bill, they touch them very lightly. They tell you it is part of our general system of defence. Is this the case? How is it to operate? It is to operate as a measure of aggression, not of preservation, or self-defence; and though he was perfectly willing to preserve our present ground, he did not wish to progress in any measures of hostility, especially when so little advantage can be derived from it as is proposed by this bill.
Mr. Dana said that the President of the United States, in his Message to both Houses of the 21st of June last, declared, "that he would never send another Minister to France until he had assurances that he would be received as the Minister of a great, free, and powerful nation." The character of the President of the United States for integrity and political fortitude, is well known and established, and that character is pledged for an adherence to the declaration above recited. Nor had he any idea of his receding from it. With a knowledge of this fact, we are to inquire what is the purport of the information which has been given to this House of a Minister having been appointed to negotiate with the French Republic. For his own part he did not consider the French Government sincere; and he was authorized to think so by the declaration of this House in answer to the President's Speech. Nor did he think the President believed them to be sincere, and he was authorized in thinking so, from his communication to both Houses at the opening of the session. How, then, is the nomination of a Minister to be understood? It was to be understood in the same light in which we used to appoint Commissioners during our Revolutionary war, who were sent to Europe to treat with Great Britain long before we expected she would be willing to treat for peace; but they were possessed of eventual authority. So, in the present case, the authority proposed to be given to our Minister at the Hague, is only to be an eventual authority, that when he receives sufficient evidence of the sincerity of the French Government, he may proceed to treat with them. Nor did he believe that the Senate possessed any document informing them that the President has already received these assurances.
[Mr. D. here read extracts from the President's Address to both Houses, from the address of this House in answer to it, and from his reply; in which the President states he can have no confidence in the sincerity of the French Government, while the decree which condemns our vessels as prizes, on account of having articles of British growth or manufacture on board, is in force.]
We know, said Mr. D., that this decree is, however, yet in force; and yet gentlemen pretend to say that the nomination which has taken place is a proof that the President has now some reliance on the sincerity of the French Government; whereas it is nothing more than a conditional appointment, such as he had already stated. No gentleman will hazard his political sagacity by saying, a negotiation is likely to take place whilst that decree is in existence; nor can any gentleman be found who will apologize for it, if it is so atrocious that its repeal must be an indispensable preliminary to any negotiation which may take place. Believing this nomination, therefore, to be nothing more than the naming of a person to treat with the French Government when it shall condescend to do us justice, the arguments of gentlemen built upon it fall to the ground. And if they attend to the declaration of this House, in the address already alluded to, they will find that we ought to advance in our defensive measures instead of receding, or even remaining stationary.
Mr. Nicholas supposed during the first half of the speech, of the gentleman who had just sat down, that he meant to vote against this bill, for he could not have supposed that he had quoted the President's Message to Congress, in June last, for the purpose of making a declaration such as he has made with respect to it. He supposes that the President has received no assurances from the French Republic that our Minister will be received, though he has heretofore said he never would send a Minister until he had assurances he would be properly received; but that he has appointed a Minister to wait, as it were, at the door of France, for a declaration that he will be properly received. And he supposes that the declaration of the President will in this way be satisfied. Mr. N. believed, if the President has appointed a Minister, he will be received, because he did not believe he would have appointed him until he had good assurances that this would be the case; or, if he has, that he has certainly forgotten his declaration.
The gentleman last up had made use of a very extraordinary argument. He says the French nation is governed by different principles from any other. When we entreat them to be at peace, he says, they insult us; but when we give them cause to wage eternal war against us, they become humble and submissive. Mr. N. believed that this was not the first time that such measures have had this tendency; but it is the first time it has been acknowledged that the measure alluded to (the publication of the despatches containing the unauthorized negotiations of X, Y, and Z, he supposed was meant) was calculated to produce these direful effects. He did fear they were intended to have these mischievous consequences; but he hoped and believed that their being so notorious and palpable have been the means of defeating the intention, and of saving the nation from war, as it showed that the Government of this country had no desire to be at peace. The French saw that a war between the United States and them would have been a war of passion, in which they could have had no possible interest, and which would, above all other things, have proved agreeable to their enemy. They saw that there was a party in this country who wished for this state of things, and he believed the extremity to which things had been carried has defeated the object in view. I do believe, said Mr. N., that France is now disposed to make peace; that she is calling upon us to enter into negotiation, in order that the party in this country who are desirous of war may have no pretext for carrying their wishes into effect.
Mr. N. was astonished, that after a Minister of respectable character, a Minister chosen by the President, and who declared he accepted of the employment from a desire to support his administration, being well acquainted with the disposition of France, from his having resided there a considerable time—has asserted that, previous to their knowledge of the publication of the negotiations of X, Y, and Z, in this country, the French Government were desirous of negotiating a peace; that after having rejected two of our Ministers, and retained a third, the resentments appeared to be satisfied; and that, though, after they had received information of the publication of these despatches, their displeasure was for a while excited, yet before Mr. Gerry left France, the same disposition for peace had returned; though, from the disposition which appeared in this country, they were doubtful how their overtures would be received. And after we have now proofs that they have made overtures, in conformity to the sentiments exhibited in Mr. Gerry's despatches, it was astonishing, he said, that gentlemen should ascribe this offer to negotiate to the effect which the small force we raised has had upon them—a force which could not possibly have availed any thing against such a force as it might be expected would be sent against us, if it was the purpose of France to invade this country.
Mr. Rutledge observed, that the effect of the measures which were taken at the two last sessions of Congress have been so different from what was predicted by the gentleman from Virginia that he was no longer inclined to give credit to his predictions. He has constantly been prophesying, but time and experience have shown his prophesies to be wholly unfounded. It was doubtless in the recollection of the House, that that gentleman thought it would be weak to rely upon a navy; he thought and said that many of the measures formerly taken would plunge the country in war, by causing a declaration of war on the part of France. The gentleman apologized for the length of his speeches, because he thought the measures of the last importance; and that if they were adopted, the scabbard would be thrown away, and it would not be in our power to resume it. But, instead of war, it is now found these measures have obtained for us peace—at least gentlemen say so. The gentleman from Virginia now predicts we shall have peace; but as all the former predictions of that gentleman have fallen to the ground, he trusted a majority of this House will not be inclined to give credit to his present prediction.
Much had been said about the diplomatic skill of France; and he thought her present conduct more deserving of this epithet than any of her former measures with respect to this country. Let gentlemen review the conduct of that country. She first attempted to bully us; but finding that we were not to be frightened, her next object was to obtain delay, in order to afford time for the spirit which had been roused by her injuries, to spend its force. When our Minister, Mr. Pinckney, first arrived in France, he was assured he would be received; but the French had an agent in this country feeling the pulse of the people, and finding that there existed a great deal of French mania, and a party upon whom they could rely, the French Government refused to receive our Minister. This country, still desirous of preserving peace, sent three Commissioners. What was then the conduct of the French Government? Our Ministers remained for months at Paris an unique spectacle, waiting in vain to be received. France has endeavored to palsy our Government—to produce delay—to give time for that noble spirit which has done so much honor to our country to spend itself. When she finds that our efforts to negotiate having failed, we buckled on our armor, and were determined to resist her injustice, the French Secretary of Legation at the Hague is directed to have some conversation with our Minister there; and assure him, notwithstanding this country had done acts enough to justify the most offensive measures, that if he will send another Minister to France, he would be received as an agent of a great, independent, and powerful nation. Gentlemen catch at this; but what is it but an attempt to arrest the arm of the Government of this country, just when it was about to strike a blow? And yet gentlemen are the dupes of this diplomatic skill.
Mr. Livingston was not surprised that gentlemen who had always been the advocates of war, at this critical moment, when all the horrors of peace stare them in the face, should seize every opportunity of postponing that dreaded event by questioning the sincerity of the offer to negotiate. [Mr. Rutledge asked whether this had been done? The Speaker answered in the negative.] From those gentlemen this was naturally to have been expected, and he therefore excused their vexation and dismay. But Mr. L. said he was not a little astonished that others, who at least professed an attachment to peace, should betray such evident anxiety and uneasiness at its approach. The gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Rutledge) has said that he wishes for peace; that no class of men are more exposed than his constituents, and that he himself would be a great sufferer by war. Such wishes and such motives he was however inclined to believe would have prompted language very different from that which had just been heard. A gentleman really desirous of peace would not, he should have supposed, travel out of the argument to pronounce philippics against those with whom we were treating, or to question the sincerity of overtures which were made in the mode we ourselves had prescribed.