He would not ask gentlemen who pronounce so decisively on the subject; who tell us that no reliance is to be placed in French professions; that they promise only to betray; that, unlike all other nations, they treat us with disdain when we ask for peace, but like spaniels, crouch and fawn upon us when we use them ill, whether they had calculated the consequences of their doctrine? That would be demanding more from them than their conduct had given him a right to expect; but he would ask whether they had attended to dates, when they arrogated to their measures the credit of producing the present disposition for peace in the Government of France? Let it be remembered, said Mr. L., that the most earnest and pressing solicitations for an accommodation were expressed to Mr. Gerry; that he was repeatedly urged to negotiate a treaty, which it was more than intimated he might have on his own terms; and that, after his repeated refusals to treat, a Minister was designated to carry these pacific intentions to America—and all this before any account of those measures on which gentlemen so much pride themselves had arrived in France. Let it not be forgotten, too, that when the account of these measures did arrive, so far from having a beneficial effect, they were very near producing the one for which gentlemen now tell us they were intended, and for which they were indeed admirably calculated—that of provoking on the part of France, a declaration which could not be obtained here. Mr. Gerry very expressively gives us these important facts. He states the evident desire to accommodate before the arrival of the despatches, and the turn which their contents gave to the negotiation. The discussion was turned to unimportant points; the design of sending a Minister was relinquished; and every thing showed a design to protract the business, until it could be ascertained whether the United States were desirous of peace, or would receive a Minister if he should be sent. In this state of things, Mr. Gerry received orders to return. All further intercourse with France then ceased, until the President, by his Message to this House, declared the terms on which alone he would send a Minister to France. No sooner were these terms known, than the assurance is sent in the very words prescribed by the President, accompanied by expressions of an earnest desire to treat. In all this history, subsequent to the departure of Messrs. Pinckney and Marshall, he thought an evident desire had been shown for an accommodation, the sincerity of which he believed it was our duty to test—not by reproachful speeches and hostile measures, but by meeting their overtures for negotiation in good faith; and while we showed our desire for peace, not to trust too much to our wishes, but retain every measure of defence.
The gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Rutledge) had mentioned delay. France, he said, always conquered by producing delays. This he thought not a very applicable expression to the rapidity with which gentlemen traced their conquests. But on this occasion it was particularly unfortunate. It appears that the overtures which have now been acted upon were communicated by the Minister for Foreign Relations at Paris, to Mr. Pichon at the Hague, and by him to Mr. Murray, on the 28th of September; and we hear nothing of them until the close of February. He did not know when the communication was received here; but there was at least a probability, from the date, that it was before the opening of the session; before the adoption of all the expensive measures we have undertaken; before the loan was opened at eight per cent.; before the intemperate commentary was written on Mr. Gerry's despatches, with which we have been favored by the Secretary of State. Let gentlemen compare the language of that singular State paper with these proposals made to Mr. Murray; let them examine the respective dates, and then let them talk to us of delay.
Mr. Shepard could not think, with the gentleman from New York, that France is serious in her proposals to negotiate; he believed she meant to deceive us; and sooner than be deceived by them, he would fight the ungodly nation. After some other observations, he sat down, with hoping the question would be taken.
The question was put on agreeing to the report of the Committee of the Whole, and carried—52 to 48, as follows:
Yeas.—George Baer, jr., Abraham Baldwin, David Bard, Richard Brent, Robert Brown, Samuel J. Cabell, John Chapman, Thomas Claiborne, William Charles Cole Claiborne, Matthew Clay, John Clopton, Thomas T. Davis, John Dawson, George Dent, Joseph Eggleston, Lucas Elmendorph, William Findlay, John Fowler, Nathaniel Freeman, jr., Albert Gallatin, James Gillespie, Andrew Gregg, William Barry Grove, John A. Hanna, Carter B. Harrison, Jonathan N. Havens, Joseph Heister, David Holmes, Walter Jones, Edward Livingston, Matthew Locke, Matthew Lyon, Nathaniel Macon, Blair McClenachan, Joseph McDowell, Anthony New, John Nicholas, Josiah Parker, Thompson J. Skinner, Samuel Smith, William Smith, Richard Dobbs Spaight, Peleg Sprague, Richard Sprigg, Richard Stanford, Thomas Sumter, Abram Trigg, John Trigg, Philip Van Cortlandt, Joseph B. Varnum, Abraham Venable, and Robert Williams.
Nays.—John Allen, Bailey Bartlett, James A. Bayard, Jonathan Brace, David Brooks, Stephen Bullock, Christopher G. Champlin, James Cochran, Wm. Craik, Samuel W. Dana, John Dennis, William Edmond, Thomas Evans, Abiel Foster, Dwight Foster, Jonathan Freeman, Henry Glenn, Chauncey Goodrich, William Gordon, Roger Griswold, Robert Goodloe Harper, Thomas Hartley, William Hindman, Hezekiah L. Hosmer, Jas. H. Imlay, John Wilkes Kittera, Samuel Lyman, James Machir, William Matthews, Lewis R. Morris, Harrison G. Otis, Isaac Parker, Thomas Pinckney, John Read, John Rutledge, jr., James Schureman, Samuel Sewall, William Shepard, Thomas Sinnickson, Nathaniel Smith, George Thatcher, Richard Thomas, Mark Thompson, Thomas Tillinghast, John E. Van Allen, Peleg Wadsworth, Robert Waln, and John Williams.
The second section was then amended by adding to it the usual enacting clause; but after some observations against passing it by Mr. Sewall, since the first section had been stricken out on the motion for its going to a third reading, it was negatived. And so the bill was rejected.
Expulsion of Matthew Lyon.
Mr. Bayard proposed the following resolution to the House:
"Resolved, That Matthew Lyon, a member of this House, having been convicted of being a notorious and seditious person, and of a depraved mind, and wicked and diabolical disposition; and of wickedly, deceitfully, and maliciously, contriving to defame the Government of the United States; and having, with intent and design to defame the Government of the United States, and John Adams, the President of the United States, and to bring the said Government and President into contempt and disrepute, and with intent and design to excite against the said Government and President the hatred of the good people of the United States, and to stir up sedition in the United States—wickedly, knowingly, and maliciously, written and published certain scandalous and seditious writings, or libels, be therefor expelled this House."