Wednesday, March 5.
Breach of Privilege.
The Senate took into consideration the motion made on the 26th of February last, that an inquiry be had relative to a publication in a newspaper called the "Aurora," on the 19th of the said month; and agreed to insert after these words: "and by what authority he published the same," line 7th, the words "as having passed the Senate."
Mr. Cocke said, he would not suffer a measure of this kind to pass through the Senate, while he had the honor of a seat in that body, without manifesting the most determined opposition. What did the gentleman mean by avoiding the general principle? did he mean to get the consent of the Senate, acting in the character of an inquest, to an acknowledgment that the editor of the Aurora had been guilty of a crime, without any inquiry whether the publication in itself was criminal, or whether if it was criminal, the Senate, as an independent and a single branch of the Legislature, had of itself the power to define the crime and inflict the punishment? He could not consent to an admission of this kind; the constitution gave them no such authority; the privileges of the House and of the members did not extend beyond the walls of the Chamber in which they were sitting, in cases of comment upon their official proceedings. He had held these opinions from the time the motion was first laid before the House, and thought that the consequences which would result from pursuing the subject, would be more dangerous to the honor and dignity of the Senate, which it was meant to defend, than all the attacks which all the public newspapers could make during their existence, inasmuch as an actual assumption of power was far more detrimental to their character than any unfounded charge of tyranny could be. He believed that the more the subject was agitated the more would be the clamor against the Senate, and in the end they would be forced to abandon the measure for want of ability to carry it through; he therefore concluded it would be best to give it up in the first instance, and save both their own time and the public money. He would move to postpone the consideration of the motion till the first Monday in December next.
Mr. Tracy did not wish to hurry on the decision, but as the resolution had been several days upon the table, he believed the House might now decide on the propriety of referring the business to the Committee of Privileges, as this procedure would not be final; or, if the House was not ready to vote immediately, the discussion might proceed and time would be given for coming to the conclusion.
Mr. C. Pinckney.—This subject involves the important questions, What are the privileges of Congress, and how far are they defined by the constitution; and what is the liberty of the press, as it respects those privileges? These are subjects of great consequence, and such as I suppose the House will touch with much caution. My name having been mentioned in the body of the original motion, I feel myself particularly called upon to deliver my sentiments fully, as well with respect to the manner in which it is mentioned, as to the limitations of the constitution, and what ought, in my judgment, to be the conduct of the Senate, on this very interesting occasion.
In considering, first, what are the privileges of Congress, and how far they are defined by the constitution, I am naturally led into a repetition of arguments I have found myself too frequently obliged to use on this floor; that is, to entreat the House to recollect the nature of our federal system; that all powers not expressly and specifically delegated to Congress, are reserved to the States and people: and particularly to remember, that where any powers are so expressly defined as the privileges of Congress are, that it is our duty very carefully to consider the consequences, before we take a step that may, by subsequent or cool reflection, be found to exceed them; that the privileges of Congress, as limited by the constitution, have been very deliberately considered by men whose opinions were not swayed by party, and whose impartial situation gave the best opportunity of judging; that having before them the example of the unlimited privileges of the British Parliament, and colonial assemblies, or councils, assuming to themselves the right of such privileges; that knowing the consequences of undefined powers, and being well aware what privileges were necessary to prevent an interruption of the undisturbed situation a member should enjoy, during the time he is engaged on public affairs, after much thought they had defined them in the manner fixed by the constitution. No man, who is a friend to order, will justify what properly deserves to be termed the licentiousness of the press. When, instead of candidly reviewing the arguments or public conduct of a member of the Legislature, or officer of the Government, it meanly descends to private scandal, instead of being defended, it should be met with contempt and disdain. Abuse is the price that public men, and frequently those of the most ability, are obliged to pay; and it is seldom, in countries where the press is free, and strong political parties are known to exist, that it is much noticed. Men of elevated minds, who feel themselves strong in the powers of reasoning, will always yield to their feeble opponents the miserable resort of abuse; it is the surest test of imbecility, and the public, who generally think right, seldom hesitate to suppose it equally the proof of weakness and of malice.
I shall consider this subject from its importance, and the peculiar manner in which it has been introduced, as open to such animadversions as are within the rules of order and are consistent with decorum. I shall probably advance doctrines that will be termed as extraordinary here, but it shall be done with the good manners I have ever considered as the criterion of good breeding, and which self-respect will forbid my violating. It is the first question respecting the privileges of the Senate that I have ever been present at, and, as it involves the liberty of the press, it is only necessary for me to mention these subjects, to show the House the propriety of our well-examining every line of the resolution on your table, before we adopt it.
I feel myself particularly called upon to give my opinion fully on this subject, because my name is inserted in the body of the resolution, and, to those unacquainted with the circumstances, it might have the appearance of being done at my request; whereas it was not only done without my knowledge, but is contrary to my wish, and opinion of the power of the House, and of the mode in which such inquiries should be conducted; that even if the House had the power, the remarks and information contained in the paper are not sufficiently important to attract its notice, particularly as they had been completely silent on the abuse of the Senate in the Gazette of the United States, respecting the stopping of the enlistments for the army; that the inquiry might lead to steps not within the defined privileges of the Senate, and that, as these may involve the liberty of the press, and the right of a citizen to publish the debates and public acts of this House, those who were opposed to what they might consider unconstitutional restrictions, ought to meet the question at the threshold, and contest it in every stage. I shall therefore feel it peculiarly my duty to do so, and, after having stated to you my objections to any interference at all on this subject, to move the postponement of the resolution, or to amend it in some way that shall place on the journals my opinions of the extent of your privileges, and reasons for objecting to the mode of inquiry proposed by the gentleman from Connecticut.
In examining the constitution we find, that to prevent any attempt being made on the part of either branch of Congress to define their own privileges, and exercise the same, as occasion or circumstances may, in their opinions, require, and to remove all doubt as to the extent and exercise of the privileges they are to enjoy, the constitution has positively and expressly limited and defined the same, by declaring—