He was the more anxious to make a public and open avowal of his sentiments on this subject, because, although it might suit the party purposes for the moment to hold up one side of the House, as so forgetful of their duty, and so hurried away by their political zeal, as to pledge themselves in the face of the world, to give up the most important rights of the nation without a struggle, rather than co-operate with those now at the head of affairs in support of them, yet he thought it all-important that foreign nations at least should be convinced the fact was not so; and that whatever difference of opinion may exist amongst us with respect to our local politics, when called upon to meet and repel the encroachments of any foreign power, we would have but one sentiment on the subject. To bring about, indeed, a unanimous vote and present to the American people the agreeable and consoling spectacle of the National Legislature acting with one mind and with mutual confidence in each other on this great national question, big with such important consequences, had been his sincere wish, as well as that, he was confident, of every member on his side of the House. They had, consequently, left no stone unturned to effect the desirable end: they had called upon and conjured the majority to waive for the moment all party questions; to meet them on such fair and honorable grounds as might enable them to act with perfect unanimity in support of such measures, as it might be found expedient to adopt. Nor could gentlemen have forgotten the eloquent and conciliating speech of the member from Connecticut, and the ardent desire he had evinced, in common with all his friends, to bury the hatchet and lay aside every other consideration but the public good. It was scarcely necessary, however, to remind the House of the manner in which these proffers of conciliation and the anxiety on our part to obtain a unanimous vote on this important occasion were received. It is in the memory of every one, that they were treated with the most sovereign contempt, hooted and spurned at, and the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Randolph,) in particular, went so far as to declare, that he neither wanted nor wished any thing like unanimity to appear in support of the measures which might be adopted; nay, that unanimity, however attainable, was not desirable. Mr. H. said he would make no comment on these sentiments and this conduct on the part of the majority; and as he did not rise for the purpose of entering into a further discussion of the main question, he should no longer encroach on the time or patience of the House, but leave them and the world to determine whether he or his political friends had, by their votes or conduct, in the course of the transaction alluded to, afforded any just ground for the imputation of the gentleman from Virginia, whatever plausibility he had ingeniously endeavored to give it.
The question was then taken, on the requisition of Mr. Griswold, by yeas and nays, and carried in the negative—yeas 38, nays 52, as follows:
Yeas.—John Archer, John Bacon, James A. Bayard, Phanuel Bishop, John Campbell, Thomas Claiborne, Manasseh Cutler, Samuel W. Dana, John Davenport, John Dennis, Abiel Foster, Calvin Goddard, Roger Griswold, William Barry Grove, Joseph Hemphill, Archibald Henderson, William H. Hill, Benjamin Huger, Samuel Hunt, Thomas Lowndes, Ebenezer Matoon, Lewis R. Morris, Elias Perkins, Thomas Plater, Nathan Read, John Rutledge, John C. Smith, John Stanley, John Stratton, Samuel Tenney, Samuel Thatcher, Thomas Tillinghast, George B. Upham, Joseph B. Varnum, Killian K. Van Rensselaer, Peleg Wadsworth, Lemuel Williams, and Henry Woods.
Nays.—Willis Alston, Theodorus Bailey, Richard Brent, Robert Brown, William Butler, Matthew Clay, John Clopton, John Condit, Richard Cutts, Thomas T. Davis, John Dawson, William Dickson, Peter Early, Lucas Elmendorph, Ebenezer Elmer, William Eustis, Edwin Gray, Andrew Gregg, John A. Hanna, Daniel Heister, Joseph Heister, William Helms, William Hoge, James Holland, David Holmes, George Jackson, Michael Leib, David Meriwether, Samuel L. Mitchill, Thomas Moore, Anthony New, Thomas Newton, jr., Joseph H. Nicholson, John Randolph, jr., John Smilie, Israel Smith, John Smith, (of New York,) Josiah Smith, Samuel Smith, Henry Southard, Richard Stanford, Joseph Stanton, jr., John Stewart, John Taliaferro, jr., David Thomas, Philip R. Thompson, Abram Trigg, John Trigg, Philip Van Cortlandt, John P. Van Ness, Isaac Van Horne, and Thomas Wynns.
Mr. S. Smith said he had a communication to make, which, in his opinion, required secrecy; whereupon the galleries were cleared.
After a short time they were opened; when the House resumed the consideration of Mr. Griswold's resolution which lay on the table.
Ordered, That the Committee of the whole House, on the State of the Union, to whom was referred, on the fifth instant, a motion respecting official information of the cession of Louisiana to France, be discharged from the consideration thereof; and that the said motion do lie on the table.
Mr. Bayard said he lamented much, that unavoidable occurrences had prevented his attending in his place when the resolution was under consideration upon the motion to go into a Committee of the whole House. Having no knowledge of the arguments then employed to induce the adoption of the resolution, he should abstain from many remarks which obviously presented themselves on the subject, lest he should fall into repetitions of what was familiar to the minds of the House from the observations of other gentlemen. He must, however, be allowed to state that it was a practice little known heretofore, but one which had alarmingly increased of late, to resist a call for information from any branch of the Executive Government. It cannot be on the ground of secrecy, required by the state of affairs, for we have been often told that a Government like ours ought to have no secrets. Though the present times have assumed the character of economical, yet an honorable member of great weight in the House, and whom he did not then observe in his place, had remarked at the last session, with great emphasis and effect, that no disposition to economy should ever induce him to economize information. A stronger case than the present could not exist. The House had been called on to act upon a question touching our foreign relations. On such subjects, it was among the chief duties of the Executive to acquire information. It was for this purpose that Ministers were sent abroad, and their communications were made to the Cabinet, to which we had a right to look upon all occasions for information respecting the proceedings of foreign Governments which implicated the national interest.
It is stated in the Presidential Message, that Louisiana is ceded by Spain to France. This is an important fact. The statement in the Message shows that the President has obtained information relative to the cession after the fact is disclosed, which is the extent of any indiscretion which can be committed on the subject; why conceal from us the circumstances? The naked fact did not furnish sufficient light to enable us to judge of the steps which it would be proper for us to pursue. Though the country had been ceded, yet the possession remained with the Spaniards. This created a presumption that it was not a simple, absolute cession. If the cession be conditional or qualified, or to take effect upon some future contingency, it is extremely material that the House should be informed of the existence of the circumstances.
Mr. B. repeated his regret that he was not present at the discussion of the subject which had taken place, as it was beyond his powers to imagine a ground upon which the information requested by the resolution could be denied. But after the resolution had been in effect negatived on the motion to go into a Committee of the Whole, and, as he understood, by a large majority, he should not have risen to trouble the House but for an occurrence which had taken place since the House had made their determination upon the resolution. An honorable member from Maryland (Mr. S. Smith) has just laid upon our table a resolution calling upon the House to place two millions of dollars at the discretion of the Executive. [The Speaker here remarked to Mr. Bayard, that as the doors were no longer closed, it was not in order to refer to what had been done when the doors were closed.] Mr. B. said he had no disposition to transgress the rules of the House; but it was an awkward situation, when, arguing in support of a measure, he was not at liberty to state the strongest reason in favor of it. He would not repeat what had escaped him; but alluding to what was in the knowledge of every member, he considered himself allowed to urge the probability that the House would be called upon for a grant of money. Now, sir, can gentlemen expect that either we or the nation will in any case be satisfied to make a large grant of money, while no information is given of the grounds upon which the grant is required? When money is asked for, information ought never to be denied; and, for his part, he never would consent to give a cent, while information, which ought to be communicated, was withheld.