And, after a short lapse of time, Mr. Porter, from the Committee on Foreign Relations, to whom was referred the above-cited Message of the President of the United States, presented a bill laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States; which was read twice, and committed to a Committee of the whole House to-day.
The House accordingly resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the said bill; and,
Mr. Boyd then moved to amend it by striking out of the first section sixty days, and insert one hundred and twenty days. He said a gentleman declared the measure to be a precursor to war—the time will be much too short for the great amount of American property now abroad to return; the motion was negatived.
Mr. Seybert viewed the subject as of vast importance; he considered that the proposition came to the House in a very questionable shape; he wanted information, and he called upon the Committee of Foreign Relations to say whether it is to be considered as a peace measure or a precursor to war.
Mr. Grundy (one of the committee) said he was willing to answer the very proper inquiry of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Seybert,) that he understands it as a war measure, and it is meant that it shall lead directly to it; that with any other view there can be no propriety in it; as a peace measure, he had no idea that the President would have recommended it, nor would the committee have agreed to it. He hoped the gentleman from Pennsylvania would now be satisfied, and prepare his mind to vote for it.
Mr. McKee objected to the last section, on account of the penalties which it proposed, which he considered altogether unimportant, as it is to be a precursor to war, it being merely precautionary and for a short time. He made some other inquiries respecting the section, and why such provisions were in it.
Mr. Porter said the bill was draughted according to the wishes and directions of the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Stow said the subject before the committee ought to be considered of very great importance. If, as some gentlemen say, it is a precursor to war, there were some very serious questions to be asked—What is the situation of our fortresses? What is the situation of our country generally? He would answer, they are defenceless, particularly the fortifications in New York, which are unmanned and unarmed. He said this fact appeared by a letter now in possession of a member of the House, which has very lately been received from Judge Livingston, of New York. Mr. S. said, that to try the question whether we will now lay an embargo, he moved that the first section of the bill be stricken out.
Mr. Clay (the Speaker) then warmly expressed his satisfaction and full approbation of the Message, and the proposition now before the Committee. He approved of it because it is to be viewed as a direct precursor to war. He did not wish upon this occasion to hear of the opinion of Brockholst Livingston or any other man. No gentleman can question the propriety of the proposition. Gentlemen who said so much about the want of preparation are not for war. He considered this a war measure, and as such he should discuss it. Sir, said Mr. C., after the pledges we have made, and the stand we have taken, are we now to cover ourselves with shame and indelible disgrace by retreating from the measures and grounds we have taken? He then stated our measures, our pledges, and the great injuries and abuses we have received. He said, what would disgrace an individual under certain circumstances would disgrace a nation. And what would you think of one individual who had thus conducted to another, and should then retreat? He did not think we were upon this occasion in the least embarrassed by the conduct of France in burning our vessels; that may be a subject of future consideration. We have complete evidence as to the enemy whom we have selected. As weak and imbecile as we are, we would combine France if necessary. He said there was no intrinsic difficulty or terror in the war: there was no terror except what arises from the novelty. Where are we to come in contact with our enemy? On our own continent. If gentlemen please to call these sentiments Quixotic, he would say he pitied them for their sense of honor. We know no pains have been spared to vilify the Government. If we now proceed we shall be supported by the people. Many of our people have not believed that war is to take place. They have been wilfully blinded. He was willing to give them further notice. It remains for us to say whether we will shrink or follow up the patriotic conduct of the President. As an American and a member of this House, he felt a pride that the Executive had recommended this measure.
Mr. Randolph said he was so impressed with the importance of the subject and the solemnity of the occasion, that he could not be silent. Sir, said Mr. R., we are now in conclave; the eyes of the surrounding world are not upon us. We are shut up here from the light of Heaven; but the eyes of God are upon us. He knows the spirit of our minds. Shall we deliberate upon this subject with the spirit of sobriety and candor, or with that spirit which has too often characterized our discussions upon occasions like the present? We ought to realize that we are in the presence of that God who knows our thoughts and motives, and to whom we must hereafter render an account for the deeds done in the body. He hoped the spirit of party and every improper passion would be exorcised, that our hearts might be as pure and clean as fall to the lot of human nature.