Mr. Randolph said, it will appear that the embargo is not preparatory to war, that is to say, it was not necessarily so, and of course not of the character which the Speaker has considered it. From his minutes (among other facts) it appeared that Mr. Monroe said to the committee that the President thought we ought to declare war before we adjourn, unless Great Britain recedes, of which there was no prospect. That there was conversation about an embargo. Mr. Monroe was asked by some of the committee whether the President would recommend it by message; he answered that he would, if he could be assured it would be acceptable to the House. He also said Mr. Barlow had been instructed to represent to the French Government our sense of the injuries received, and to press upon them our demands for reparation—that if she refused us justice, the embargo would leave the policy as respects France, and indeed of both countries, in our hands. He was asked if any essential alterations would be made within sixty days, in the defence of our maritime frontier or seaports? Mr. M. answered that pretty considerable preparations would be made. He said New York was in a respectable state of defence, but not such as to resist a formidable fleet; but that it was not to be expected that such a kind of war would be carried on. It was replied that we must expect what commonly happens in wars. Mr. M. said that, although a great distress and injury might take place in one part of the Union, it would not essentially affect the population or resources of the Union at large. As to the prepared state of the country, he said, in case of a declaration of war, the President would not feel himself bound to take upon himself more than his share of the responsibility. Mr. M. said that the unprepared state of the country was the only reason why ulterior measures should be deferred.
Mr. R. then said that the step we are about taking is too high a price to pay for the consistency of gentlemen who think they have gone too far to recede; it is too expensive to bolster them up in this way. He asked what will be the situation of this people in sixty days? Put your note into the bank, and see how soon it will be out. What will be the situation of this unhappy, misguided country? What would it have been for sixty, one hundred, or three hundred and sixty-five days past? He had hoped not to have seen the old story of the dog worrying the cat, &c., realized. Are the majority, in consequence of having been goaded by the presses, to plunge the people into a war by bringing them first to the whipping-post and then by exciting their spirit? He would assure the House the spirit of the people is not up to it at this time; if so, there would be no necessity of those provocations to excite this false spirit—this kind of Dutch courage. If you mean war, if the spirit of the country is up to it, why have you been spending five months in idle debate?
Messrs. Grundy and Calhoun said they were not impressed with a recollection of the facts which occurred before the Committee of Foreign Relations in the same manner as had been stated by Mr. Randolph. They did not recollect that Mr. Monroe said the embargo would leave the policy, as respects both belligerents, in our hands.
Mr. Porter said he was in favor of an embargo, as a measure which ought to precede war; but it was very important that we should be prepared before we commence war. He did not believe it was possible to commence it with safety within four months from this time. Such a measure as an embargo would be of immense injury to the State of New York, on account of their flour which has gone to market.
The committee rose and reported the bill without amendment, and the question was, Shall it be engrossed for a third reading?
Mr. Quincy then moved that the injunction of secrecy be taken off from the proceedings.
Mr. Pitkin said there was but one precedent of an embargo being passed with closed doors.
The ayes and noes were agreed to be taken on Mr. Quincy's motion.
Mr. Wright then made a question of order on Mr. Quincy's motion.