On motion, the House adjourned.
Tuesday, March 2.
Non-Exportations in Foreign Bottoms.
The House again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, on the bill prohibiting the exportation of certain articles therein specified, in foreign vessels.
Mr. Clay spoke at considerable length in favor of this bill, as forming a complete system, connected with one which passed the House the other day, prohibiting the use of foreign licenses on board vessels of the United States, suited to the present relations of the United States, and to the proper action on the enemy.
Mr. Robertson spoke as follows: Mr. Chairman, I do not often trespass on the patience of the House, but I request their attention whilst I state a few of the reasons which compel me to oppose the bill now under consideration.
I am the more disposed to do this, because my opposition arises from considerations in a great measure peculiar to myself, and because I differ with gentlemen in the correctness of whose opinions I usually concur. Without, then, considering the principles it involves, I reject this bill, because it is not in fact what it professes to be; it is not a restrictive measure; its provisions may operate prejudicially on ourselves, but cannot affect the enemy. In one of two general systems, I might go along with gentlemen. Let us have non-importation, non-intercourse, and embargo—thus the restrictive system may have its full bearing; let us refuse to purchase manufactures of the British; let us refuse to furnish them with provisions, then we may be consoled for the privations which we ourselves must experience, by reflecting on the great evils which we inflict on the enemy.
I can but smile at the patriotism of honorable gentlemen, who affect to starve the English by refusing to buy their manufactures, whilst they inundate the army, the navy, the colonies of that nation, with a profusion of all the necessaries and luxuries of life—they will starve a few miserable manufacturers, whilst they industriously feed their armed men. With the most glaring and barefaced inconsistency, they object to admitting into our markets any the minutest article of British manufacture, that the inhabitants may perish for the want of means to purchase bread; whilst bread is exported with a hope that it should, indeed a perfect certainty that it will be consumed by this same people. I cannot concur in these half-way measures. I voted for a repeal of the non-importation act. I hoped that commerce, sufficiently hazardous and fettered by the present state of the world, would cease to be shackled by ourselves. I hoped, that now the sword was drawn, we should carry on war in the usual and accustomed manner—that the Government would be aided by the receipt of revenue arising from duties and imposts—that the people would be thus partially relieved from taxes—that the nation would be strengthened and inspired by an accession of wealth, now more than ever necessary.
But whatever, sir, might be my opinion of this bill, viewed as a restrictive measure; for other considerations it meets with my decided disapprobation. We prohibit neutrals from clearing out from our ports with the productions of our country, whilst our own vessels are left free to do so. We deny to them that commerce, which as a neutral we formerly enjoyed. Heretofore we complained of the injustice of belligerents, and now that we are engaged in war, and that too for neutral rights and free trade, we are about to practise similar abuses. Aware that some apology would be deemed necessary, we call it a municipal regulation; it may be so—and perhaps we are borne out by strict law; but we attempt a justification on the ground of cutting off our enemy from supplies, of which he stands in need, and which, notwithstanding his perilous situation, he dares to hope to receive through a train of insolent artifices, derogatory to the integrity of the Union, and disgraceful to those with whom they shall prevail.
Now, sir, if the measure proposed could in any way counteract his views—if it went the full length of preventing him from procuring the various articles which his necessities require, I confess it would be inflicting a punishment, which not only the laws of war would authorize, but which the unprecedented baseness of his late attempt most loudly calls for; but no such effect will be produced. For what is there to prevent our vessels from transporting the products of the United States to Amelia, Pensacola, St. Bartholomews, there to be deposited, and thence carried in neutral or British bottoms to Jamaica, the Bahamas, or wheresoever else they may be wanted? And again, if, notwithstanding the hostile attitude in which we stand in relation to each other England is compelled to encourage a trade by license, will not her necessities equally induce her to connive at exportation? Can it be doubted, that her armed vessels would not be instructed to allow our provisions to pass unmolested, when, by pursuing a contrary conduct, she would be starving her own colonies? And is it not clear that a traffic, which the war prevents from being direct, would continue to be carried on, as it is at present, through intermediate ports?