Mr. Chairman, the present scheme seems to me to be merely calculated to produce vexation and embarrassment at home; to operate with peculiar hardship on neutral rights, without inflicting on the enemy any injury commensurate with these evils. Sir, if gentlemen wish to reap the full effect of a restrictive system, that system must be rigid and complete. Let our ports be sealed; let there be neither egress nor ingress; let us neither buy nor sell, and let us prepare to bear the positive burdens of active war. No section of our widely-extended Union could then complain of peculiar oppression. The plan would present itself to us, recommended, at least, by the generality of its operation; by the impartiality of its character. But, if this cannot be done, if the shipping interests of some of the States, and the manufacturing establishments of others, must be encouraged, and if others still must sell their wheat and flour, let us pursue the opposite course; let us sweep restrictive measures by the board; thus should we enjoy all the advantages which would result to the Government from imposts, all the benefits that would accrue to individuals from exports. In either of these modes of proceeding I might concur; but I cannot consent to the plan now submitted, nor acquiesce in the wisdom or policy of our existing regulations. They are not promotive of the general welfare, but, on the contrary, are ruinous to the interests of that portion of the Union whose interest it is peculiarly my duty to protect. Yet, I cannot help observing that, however under their oppressive operation commerce languishes, and Southern agriculture is completely annihilated, they are tolerated by the Eastern States, because they promote their domestic manufactures, and impoverish and embarrass the Government; and they are advocated and supported by the Middle States, because they consider, or affect to consider them, as very patriotic; because they inflict privations, which, by-the-by, they do not feel; and, finally, because, nevertheless, they are enabled to sell off, at excellent prices, the productions of their farms. Thus, sir, a feast is spread before us; but it is served up, however splendidly and abundantly, in shallow dishes; and, while the foxes of the Eastern and Middle States lap up the soup with great dexterity, the storks of the Mississippi, Mobile, and Altamaha, look on, perhaps with admiration, but certainly with no satisfaction whatever. While, sir, the spleen of hostility towards the Government is gratified, while the manufacturing establishments of the East are promoted, while the middle section of the Union disposes of, at high prices, the abundant harvest of their fields, what becomes of the commerce of our country? What fate befalls the agriculture of the South? Our cotton rots on the stalk. From this proscription of foreign manufactures, the grower of the raw material is irretrievably ruined. Possibly he may sell an inconsiderable portion of his crop, for contemptible prices, to domestic manufacturers, while he is compelled to buy, at enormous rates, the articles which his wants require. If he wishes to sell, he finds no competition among purchasers. Does he find it necessary to purchase, he suffers equally from the want of competition among those who sell.
A debate of considerable length took place, in which Mr. Calhoun supported the bill, though opposed to the amendment made on motion of Mr. Quincy in Committee of the Whole.
Mr. Grosvenor spoke as follows:
Mr. Speaker: When I had the honor to address you, on a measure which has finally passed this House, I stated, at some length, my reasons for believing that the Government had no serious intention to pass the bill now before you. But, sir, from a furious zeal, this day manifested in a certain quarter, to drive the measure through this House, I fear I was mistaken. I therefore deem it an indispensable duty, in the name of the commercial and agricultural districts which I represent, to enter my solemn protest against this new project of the Government.
I shall not enter into any argument, to show the impolicy, the injustice, and the danger of such a measure, considered as a measure of non-exportation. The task has been most ably and successfully performed by an honorable gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. Lowndes;) he has shown, that connected with the maritime power of the enemy, and with other bills already passed this House, this measure has all the blasting qualities, without even the few equivocal benefits of a broad restrictive system; and he has demonstrated the irreparable mischiefs which must result from such weak and mongrel measures. His reasoning has not been met—it cannot be refuted—I will not weaken its effect on the House, by attempting to enforce it.
My principal object in rising, was to examine the grounds upon which the honorable gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. Calhoun,) who last addressed you, has rested his justification of the measure. He has assured us, that it is not at all intended as a part of any new system; that its object is in no respect a prohibition of free and fair exportation. Sir, whatever gentlemen may intend, it is too palpable for denial, that this measure is, in truth, a restrictive and an anti-commercial measure, and in conjunction with the license bill already passed, must operate (as far as such weak and unnatural measures can operate) as a broad and iron system of non-exportation.
But, sir, what are the intention and the objects of the bill according to the view of that honorable gentleman: "To avenge insult"—"to retaliate on the enemy his attempts to destroy us"—"to carry to his own lips his own poisoned chalice." And where are these insults, these injuries, these vital attempts of the enemy to be found? Henry's celebrated mission, after rioting for a time on the spoils of the Treasury, has found the tomb of the Capulets. And although its ghost seems to haunt the honorable gentleman from South Carolina, yet sure I am, that a thing of air would not have inspired him with all those bitter feelings which he has poured forth upon the enemy.
No, sir, it is the last Message of the President which contains all this dreadful matter. In that Message came before us an Order in Council by the Prince Regent, and a letter from a British Secretary, to a West India Governor. Sir, by that order, certain West India ports are opened to the importation of articles which they wish to purchase, and to the exportation of produce which they wish to sell. This is no new practice; in every European war, the belligerent mother country has never failed to open some of her colonies to neutral commerce. By this order nothing more is done, and so far from any insult or injury to us in the body of the order, our nation is not even named.
The honorable gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Lowndes) has pertinently asked, to what extent you would carry your new principles of honor and retaliation. The enemy spares the commerce of the East, and destroys that of the South; you must equalize them by destroying the former. You cannot stop here. If the enemy blockades the South, you must embargo New England. If he burns Charleston and Norfolk, you must burn New York and Boston. In fine, any thing spared in one section of the Union by the enemy, which he has the power to destroy, and not spared in another, must be destroyed by our Government, by way of equalizing the burdens of the war.