The gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. Calhoun,) to whom I have so often alluded, was disposed highly to compliment the people of the Northern States. He declared his full confidence in their fidelity, patriotism, and honor, and he believes that they will not only spurn with contempt the attempt to seduce them, but will hail the present measure as just, honorable, and wise. Sir, the patriotism of that people is undoubtedly as warm and as disinterested as that of any people on this globe; and if, indeed, this were an attack on their honor, they would need no such law as this to teach them their duty, or to compel them to perform it. But, sir, I do not believe that their patriotism will feel insulted. They will hardly be satisfied by flattery and compliment for this attack upon their commerce. I would not be surprised if they should answer the honorable gentleman somewhat in this manner: "Hands off, Mr. Calhoun, if it please you; we do not dislike your compliments; indeed, we are pleased with the notes of this new tune from the South. We will do any thing in reason to oblige you; but really, sir, to be complimented out of our commerce; to be flattered into poverty; to be cowed into service, is a little more than the rules of civility demand."
It has been avowed on this floor, [by Mr. Speaker Clay,] that this bill is only one part of a contemplated system of rigid non-exportation. Have gentlemen reflected on the disastrous consequences of such a system at the present time? The district which I have the honor to represent, is a portion of an extensive tract of mercantile and agricultural country, extending up the Hudson River far into the interior of New York. The merchants and farmers of that country did believe, that when you appealed to arms, your restrictive system was at rest forever. They had a right so to believe, from the declarations of gentlemen on this floor, and from the unequivocal conduct of Government. Under this belief, during the present winter the merchants have constantly purchased produce at high and advanced prices. In the numerous villages scattered on either side of the Hudson River, and over immense tracts far to the west of it, the stores are groaning with the productions of their soil. Sir, when the Spring opens, they will find all their prospects blasted, and bankruptcy staring in their faces. Through the whole frozen interior of the North and East, the condition of the merchants and farmers is similar, and similar disastrous consequences will be realized.
We are involved in war with a nation powerful in her resources, clothed in complete armor, and to whom, from long habit, a state of warfare has become almost a national condition. We need all our resources and all our energies to save this war from a disgraceful conclusion. What then but madness can dictate a policy tending to dry up our resources and paralyze our energies. Wounded by the spear of war, what but downright political quackery could prescribe those "restrictive" nostrums, to restore the nation to health and vigor? Are the old chimerical notions of starving the enemy, yet floating in the brains of gentlemen? In despite of experience, do they yet believe that our blessed country alone can produce food for the world? Are the countries of the Baltic and Caspian Seas no longer cultivated? Has the Nile ceased to fructify the fields of Egypt? Have Sicily and the Barbary coasts returned to a barren state of nature? Has France herself agreed to bury her surplus breadstuffs in the earth? Or has England lost that ascendency on the ocean, and forgot all those commercial arts, by which she was wont to procure supplies from all those countries? Seven years of restrictions have in vain been tried. Your enemy has laughed you to scorn, and your own people have cursed the policy that crushed their prosperity. There is no doubt that, as at the time you laid the embargo, the closing of your ports now, might produce a temporary inconvenience to the enemy; but the measure would finally and permanently recoil on our merchants, and even farmers. These men have, therefore, a deep and vital interest in this question. Twice already they have been sacrificed to test the efficacy of our "restrictive energies."
Do you intend again to stretch them on the rack, again to cover the country with sackcloth and ashes? Is another brood of "restrictive" harpies, more unseemly and more hungry than their predecessors, to be let loose among them? And is this bill a pioneer to the new swarms of "continental" locusts?
Mr. Speaker, I shudder when I behold that anti-commercial demon, which for seven years has been glutted with the mangled limbs of commerce, still hovering about this bill. The deluded people did believe that, when "you let slip the dogs of war," the monster had fallen, never again to trample down their rights, or devour the remnant of their prosperity. They were mistaken. He has risen invigorated from the blow; like the horse leech, he continues to cry, "give, give!" He never will be satisfied while the farmers of the North and the East are prosperous and powerful, or while the ships of an independent merchant float safely and successfully on the ocean. Sir, I do trust in Heaven, that the people of this Union will not sleep forever—I do trust, that the time is not far distant when the rulers of this nation shall be compelled again to travel in the paths of peace, commerce, and honor. I do trust that this new system, fraught as it is with new destruction, will meet an effectual overthrow. On this floor, I have no hope of such an event. The current of influence is here too strong to be resisted. But if the God of nations "doth seek our rulers, and hath given our Senators wisdom," it must find its grave in the other branches of the Government.
Mr. Quincy opposed the bill, and after some remarks from Mr. Blackledge in reply to him, the question on concurring with the Committee of the Whole in their amendment was taken, to wit: to strike out from the fifth line of the first section, the words, "and every," and to insert "wheat, flour, rice, cotton, tobacco, indigo, tar, pitch, or turpentine, or any other article, the growth, produce, or manufacture of the United States:." And passed in the affirmative—yeas 69, nays 29.
Constitution and Java.
The House took up for consideration the resolution from the Senate requesting the President of the United States to present to Captain William Bainbridge a gold medal, with suitable inscriptions, and to the officers of the frigate Constitution silver medals, in testimony of the high sense entertained by Congress of their gallantry and skill in achieving the capture and destruction of the British frigate Java; which was read three times, and passed.
Bounty to Privateers.
The House went into a Committee of the Whole on the bill allowing a bounty to privateers; but the committee being unable to progress for want of a quorum, it rose and reported the fact to the House; and the bill and report were ordered to lie on the table, and the House adjourned.