Mr Patterson would not decide whether the privilege concerning money bills were a valuable consideration or not: But he considered the mode & rule of representation in the 1st branch as fully so; and that after the establishment of that point, the small States would never be able to defend themselves without an equality of votes in the 2d branch. There was no other ground of accommodation. His resolution was fixt. He would meet the large States on that ground and no other. For himself he should vote agst the Report, because it yielded too much.
Mr Govr Morris. He had no resolution unalterably fixed except to do what should finally appear to him right. He was agst the Report because it maintained the improper constitution of the 2d branch. It made it another Congress, a mere whisp of straw. It had been sd (by Mr Gerry) that the new Governt would be partly national, partly federal; that it ought in the first quality to protect individuals; in the second, the States. But in what quality was it to protect the aggregate interest of the whole. Among the many provisions which had been urged, he had seen none for supporting the dignity and splendor of the American Empire. It had been one of our greatest misfortunes that the great objects of the nation had been sacrificed constantly to local views; in like manner as the general interests of States had been sacrificed to those of the Counties. What is to be the check in the Senate? none; unless it be to keep the majority of the people from injuring particular States. But particular States ought to be injured for the sake of a majority of the people, in case their conduct should deserve it. Suppose they should insist on claims evidently unjust, and pursue them in a manner detrimental to the whole body. Suppose they should give themselves up to foreign influence. Ought they to be protected in such cases. They were originally nothing more than colonial corporations. On the declaration of Independence, a Governmt was to be formed. The small States aware of the necessity of preventing anarchy, and taking advantage of the moment, extorted from the large ones an equality of votes. Standing now on that ground, they demand under the new system greater rights as men, than their fellow Citizens of the large States. The proper answer to them is that the same necessity of which they formerly took advantage, does not now exist, and that the large States are at liberty now to consider what is right, rather than what may be expedient. We must have an efficient Govt and if there be an efficiency in the local Govts the former is impossible. Germany alone proves it. Notwithstanding their common diet, notwithstanding the great prerogatives of the Emperor as head of the Empire, and his vast resources, as sovereign of his particular dominions, no union is maintained; foreign influence disturbs every internal operation, & there is no energy whatever in the General Governmt. Whence does this proceed? From the energy of the local authorities; from its being considered of more consequence to support the Prince of Hesse, than the Happiness of the people of Germany. Do Gentlemen wish this to be ye case here. Good God, Sir, is it possible they can so delude themselves. What if all the Charters & Constitutions of the States were thrown into the fire, and all their demagogues into the Ocean. What would it be to the happiness of America. And will not this be the case here if we pursue the train in wch the business lies. We shall establish an Aulic Council without an Emperor to execute its decrees. The same circumstances which unite the people here, unite them in Germany. They have there a common language, a common law, common usages and manners, and a common interest in being united; Yet their local jurisdictions destroy every tie. The case was the same in the Grecian States. The United Netherlands are at this time torn in factions. With these examples before our eyes shall we form establishments which must necessarily produce the same effects. It is of no consequence from what districts the 2d branch shall be drawn, if it be so constituted as to yield an asylum agst these evils. As it is now constituted he must be agst its being drawn from the States in equal portions. But still he was ready to join in devising such an amendment of the plan, as will be most likely to secure our liberty & happiness.
Mr Sherman & Mr Elseworth moved to postpone the Question on the Report from the Committee of a member from each State, in order to wait for the Report from the Come of 5 last appointed.
Massts ay. Cont ay. N. Y. no. N. J. ay. Pa ay. Del. ay. Maryland ay. Va no. N. C. no. S. C. no. Geo. no.
Adjd.
Monday July 9th in Convention.
Mr Daniel Carroll, from Maryland took his seat.
Mr Govr Morris delivered a report from the Come of 5 members to whom was committed the clause in the Report of the Come consisting of a member from each State, stating the proper ratio of Representatives in the 1st branch, to be as 1 to every 40,000 inhabitants, as follows viz
"The Committee to whom was referred the 1st clause of the 1st proposition reported from the grand Committee, beg leave to report: