Mr. Clay’s efforts, during his secretaryship, contributed much in making Mr. Adams’s administration peculiarly American. They afforded material aid in cherishing and strengthening those principles, which would render the United States independent of foreign nations—principles for which he contended with a zeal that nothing could dampen, and which would not allow any compromise. In giving Mr. Adams his vote, he was not mistaken in supposing that he would be their able supporter too. In their adherence to these, they went hand in hand. This was a source of most vexatious uneasiness to the enemies of those principles. Hence the cause of their excessive hostility towards the administration of Mr. Adams, for they believed it was materially shaped by Mr. Clay. They little expected, and less designed, that their opposition should thus pay him the highest possible compliment—that of wielding a power scarcely inferior to that of the executive himself. The enemies of Mr. Clay, therefore, became the enemies of Mr. Adams, whose administration they determined to prostrate, let the expense be what it might. ‘It must be put DOWN,’ said one of general Jackson’s most prominent supporters, ‘though as pure as the angels at the right hand of God.’ The foulest charges were preferred against Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay, the mildest of which was, CORRUPTION. Of the latter, in consequence of his having made some transfers, in publishing the laws, from one printing establishment to another, it was alleged, that he attempted to corrupt the press, which, with a great outcry, was bruited from one end of the land to the other.He was charged with having made the transfer from interested party considerations, and an attempt was made to cause him to communicate to congress what changes he had made, with his reasons. It failed, however, on the ground that the house had no jurisdiction over the matter. At the very time (or nearly) that his enemies in the house were thus engaged in subjecting him to this gross charge, their coadjutors in the senate, led on by Mr. Van Buren, were endeavoring to deprive the National Intelligencer of the printing of that body. Notable consistency! Not an act of Mr. Adams, or Mr. Clay, which was not made to pass through the traducing ordeal of their enemies’ malice, and pronounced corrupt and ruinous in their tendency. The same acts might be submitted to the examination of any impartial tribunal, who would rise up from it, and declare them as nearly faultless as any human ones could be; indeed, that of posterity, whose decisions are never reversed, is fast rendering such a verdict. Many an eye now dims with tears, and many a heart heaves with regret, at the recollection of Mr. Adams’s administration. The political degeneracy and pollution of the present day, were far from it. Economy, dignity, and liberality, were written all over it, in such indelible characters, that the most intemperate flood of opposition could not expunge them. It can be said of Mr. Adams, that he never dismissed a public functionary solely on the ground of party considerations, and in selecting these, he did not permit himself to be governed by them. But, unexceptionable as was the course pursued by him, detraction and calumny performed their utmost to bring him into disrepute, and with too much success. Party prejudice and sectional feelings were aroused and inflamed in all parts of the country. The wants of each were catered for, without stint or measure; coalitions, combinations, caucusses, and all the unnamed and undescribed pharaphernalia of party manœuvring, were organized, drilled, arrayed, and brought out, to be used by strong and willing hands, in the most ignoble and base employment in which they could be engaged—in crushing an administration without any regard to its merit or demerit. The prime movers of the whole heterogeneous mass had decreed, that it ‘must be put down,’ and its loud ergo pealed up, ‘it ought to be put down.’ Contradictory and paradoxical reasoning was employed, with success equal to that of true, in different parts of the country. Their creed was comprehensive enough to embrace all, how various soever their names or tenets. From such an army political virtue and honesty fled away and hid themselves, which, like the devouring locusts of Egypt, passed over the whole land, blighting and destroying every green thing in its political enclosures. Sometime previous to the close of the administration, the opposition gained the ascendency in congress, which greatly facilitated their operations, which resulted in the election of their candidate, Andrew Jackson, to the presidential chair, in the autumn of 1828.
The prevalence of truth is sure. It may be temporarily suppressed, error may triumph over it, and it may seem to be lost, but its disenthralment is just as certain, as the release of the earth by solar heat from the mists that press upon its bosom. Error gravitates—its nature is downwards; but truth soars—its own intrinsic buoyant power bears it, sooner or later, to the surface of human observation. It cannot perish; it is the ally of immortality, and will survive all sublunary things, and be seen and admired ages after falsehood and all his base companions shall have gone down to their dark dwelling-place. This attribute of truth seems to have been overlooked or disregarded, by those who, with a blind zeal and misguided patriotism, sought the overthrow of an administration too good to escape the shafts of envy, and dispensing more benefits than could be enumerated or appreciated by them when thus engaged. Those who were most active in elevating general Jackson to the presidency, displayed great skill in party tactics, and a most liberal education in the schools of intrigue and detraction. Experience had taught them, that a public functionary was most vulnerable through the minds of his constituents; that if the lodgment of a certain principle could be effected there, their work was done, his ruin was accomplished. This was precisely the mode of warfare pursued by the opponents of Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay. All their efforts were directed to the single end, of instilling into the minds of the people the belief, that these eminent statesmen, these great and good men, were vampyres upon their pockets, shaping their measures so as to drain them of their contents. The cry of extravagance drowned every other, and that of economy, retrenchment, and reform, was iterated and reiterated so often, that the truth of the first, and imperious necessity of the others, soon became their permanent belief. It is not surprising, that under the influence of this, they should rise, and pluck them from their places, without stopping to inquire, whether those who excited them to the committal of this act, did not do it for the express purpose of thrusting their hands still deeper into their pockets. The sequel seemed to furnish good grounds for such an opinion. From the purses of the people, general Jackson’s administration took about two dollars to Mr. Adams’s one, and Mr. Van Buren’s about three. The necessity for diminishing the public expenditures, suddenly ceased, upon their becoming safely installed in their places, and their sympathy for the ‘dear people,’ in view of their pretended robbery, which seemed to be so expansive before, immediately returned to the narrow limits of their own bosoms. But truth, whose voice was completely stifled in reference to the administration of Mr. Adams, and the herculean labors of Mr. Clay, as connected with it, in the political melée of 1828, is fast justifying its measures, and causing many to regret, who zealously sought, its overthrow, and fervently pray for its return.
A few days after general Jackson’s inauguration into the presidential chair, Mr. Clay prepared to return to the retirement and the social delights of his home; where, at his leisure, he could review his public acts, and devise new measures for benefiting his country. About the time of his departure from Washington, his friends residing in that city, as a testimonial of their regard for his private and public character, gave him a dinner. In a speech, on that occasion, he alluded to his public career, and the duties of citizenship, in the following beautiful language. ‘Whether I shall ever hereafter take any part in the public councils or not, depends upon circumstances beyond my control. Holding the principle that a citizen, as long as a single pulsation remains, is under an obligation to exert his utmost energies in the service of his country, if necessary, whether in a public or private station, my friends here and every where may rest assured, that, in either condition, I shall stand erect, with a spirit unconquered, whilst life endures ready to second their exertions in the cause of liberty, the union, and the national prosperity.’
Of general Jackson he remarked, ‘that citizen has done me much injustice. It was inflicted, as I must ever believe, for the double purpose of gratifying private resentment, and promoting personal ambition. When, during the late canvass, he came forward in the public prints, under his proper name, with his charge against me, and summoned before the public tribunal his friend and his only witness, (Mr. Buchanan,) to establish it, the anxious attention of the whole American people was directed to the testimony which that witness might render.He promptly obeyed the call, and testified to what he knew. He could say nothing, and he said nothing which cast the slightest shade upon my honor or integrity. What he did say was the reverse of any implication of me. Then all just and impartial men, and all who had faith in the magnanimity of my accuser, believed that he would make a public acknowledgement of his error. How far this reasonable expectation has been fulfilled, let his persevering and stubborn silence attest. But my relations to that citizen, by a recent event, are now changed. He is the chief magistrate of my country, invested with large and extensive powers, the administration of which may conduce to its prosperity, or occasion its adversity. Patriotism enjoins as a duty, that while he is in that exalted station he should be treated with decorum, and his official acts be judged of in a spirit of candor.’
The rancor of his enemies had pursued Mr. Clay as though he had been a devastating monster, laying waste the fair and fertile fields of his country, instead of enriching them by his toils. It overstepped, not only the bounds of prudence, but of propriety and decency. It followed him to the sanctuary of his home, and violated that. In a letter written in May, 1828, he thus speaks oftheir attempts to destroy his pecuniary credit. ‘The variety in their modes of attack, and the industry of my enemies, are remarkable, if not always commendable. I observe that some of them about Lexington, have carefully searched the records of Fayette, and extracted from them a formidable list of mortgages, which are paraded as evidence of my bankruptcy. The fairness of this proceeding, in my absence on arduous public service, and without inquiry into the fact whether the mortgages be extinguished or not, is submitted to my fellow citizens of Fayette. I do not consider, that a man who honestly fulfils his pecuniary engagements, is entitled to any special praise, or I would not observe, that I can confidently appeal to all with whom I ever had pecuniary transactions, to bear testimony to the fidelity with which I have discharged mine. I invite the severest scrutiny into my conduct in that respect, and request a comparison of it with that of any one of those who now assail me. I never was sued in my life, for an uncontested debt; indeed, I have no recollection at this time of having ever been sued for any ascertained debt, contested or uncontested, and whether I was principal or endorser. I am not free absolutely from debt. I am not rich. I never coveted riches. But my estate would even now be estimated at not much less than one hundred thousand dollars. Whatever it may be worth, it is a gratification to me to know, that it is the produce of my own honest labor, no part of it being hereditary, except one slave, who would oblige me very much if he would accept his freedom. It is sufficient, after paying all my debts, to leave my family above want, if I should be separated from them. It is a matter, also, of consolation to me, to know that this wanton exposure of my private affairs can do me no pecuniary prejudice. My few creditors will not allow their confidence in me to be shaken by it. It has, indeed, led to one incident, which was at the same time a source of pleasure and pain. A friend lately called on me, at the instance of another friend, and informed me that they were apprehensive that my private affairs were embarrassed, and that I allowed their embarrassment to prey upon my mind. He came, therefore, with their authority, to tell me that they would contribute any sum that I might want, to relieve me. The emotions which such a proposition excited, can be conceived by honorable men. I felt most happy to be able to undeceive them, and to decline their benevolent proposition.’
Though Mr. Clay’s enemies were greatly gratified at his ejectment from office, they were more disappointed and chagrined at the fortitude, and humor, even, with which he bore it. They had prepared a rich feast of enjoyment over his anticipated sorrow, on the occurrence of that event, which was spoiled by him, in not complying with the conditions that would make it palatable. Instead of being sad, he was merry. At the time of his departurefrom Washington for Kentucky, the roads were very bad, which induced him to send his private conveyance in advance, and resort to the stage-coach. On one occasion, the roughness of them caused him to take a seat beside the driver, which he occupied on entering Uniontown, in Pennsylvania, at which his friends in that place expressed great surprise, to which he replied, ‘gentlemen, although I am with the OUTS, yet I can assure you that the INS behind me, have much the worst of it.’ His health, which had become much enfeebled by his arduous duties, improved rapidly during his journey home, and the flow of his exuberant spirits more than kept pace with it. The most kindly receptions greeted him at every stage of it; indeed, in the expressions of regard for his character and services, there was scarcely any cessation, from the time he left the seat of government until he reached his home, to which he was welcomed by one of those warm, spontaneous, and eloquent outbursts of Kentuckian feeling, which, to be known, must be witnessed, for no description can do it justice. Hardly had he disrobed himself of his travelling garments, and become seated in his residence at Ashland, before he was importuned to exchange it for one in congress, or in the legislature of Kentucky; but ill health, and a desire for temporal repose, caused him to decline. Scarcely a day passed away which did not bring to his abode testimonials of regard and affection, from his friends in all parts of the country. He was urged repeatedly to participate in their hospitality, which had he complied with to the extent in which it was proffered, the strength of a thousand men would have been requisite to carry him uninjured through it. These invitations were prompted by a consciousness of his worth, and a desire to gather his opinions and sentiments, in relation to national policy. This desire was always gratified, at those which he accepted. In May, 1829, he was honored by a public dinner, served up at Fowler’s garden, at which about three thousand sat down. His presence called forth the following toast: ‘our distinguished guest, friend, and neighbor, HENRY CLAY—with increased proofs of his worth, we delight to renew the assurance of our confidence in his patriotism, talents, and incorruptibility—may health and happiness attend him in retirement, and a grateful nation do justice to his virtues.’ After its announcement, he spoke for the space of one hour and a half, with more than his usual eloquence and energy. He reviewed somewhat minutely his public career, the administration of Mr. Adams, and spoke in terms of deserved censure of the means resorted to, by his enemies, to put him down. He animadverted severely upon the course pursued by general Jackson, in removing faithful public officers, and considered his conduct, in that respect, unjustifiable, and as calculated to establish a dangerous precedent. His sentiments concerning the principles which ought to govern public servants, are worthy of allacceptance, and should be inscribed in letters of gold on the phylacteries of all office-holders and office-seekers. He closed by saying, ‘in the presence of my God, and of this assembled multitude, I can and I will say, that I have honestly and faithfully served my country, that I have never wronged it, and that, however unprepared I lament that I am, to appear in the Divine presence on other accounts, I invoke the stern justice of His judgment on my public conduct, without the smallest apprehension of His displeasure.’
Mr. Clay never attempted concealment either of his sentiments or his actions in relation to public matters; on the contrary, he invited the most searching scrutiny, conscious that in the maintenance of the former, and the performance of the latter, he was actuated by upright motives.
In 1829–30 he visited various parts of Kentucky, loaded with favors wherever he came; upholding those measures which were truly national, and denouncing, without any reserve, those that were of an opposite character. Of this description he found many connected with the administration of general Jackson, neither did he allow himself to be deterred from expressing his views freely in relation to them, from any motives of a personal consideration. Mr. Clay was not the man to shrink from the duty of directing the attention of the country to measures whose tendency he believed was detrimental to its interests. He would not hesitate to lift his warning voice, though it would be at the expense of his hard-earned fame, when he saw means employing to jeopard its safety. He visited New Orleans at the commencement of 1830, where, if possible, the attentions bestowed upon him exceeded those which he received from his own constituents. Although his visit was occasioned by business of a private character, he was continually thronged by the people, of all parties, tendering him the mede of honor due his distinguished eminence. It was with difficulty he could resist their warm importunity to accept a public dinner. He left for Natchez, Mississippi, on the ninth of March, amid an immense concourse of people, assembled to witness his departure. The levee, tops of steamboats, and houses, were completely covered by them, who rent the air with their enthusiastic cheering. As the steamer that bore him moved from the pier, they were almost deafening, which, with the waving of banners and handkerchiefs, and firing of cannon, made it appear more like the departure of a mighty conqueror, than of a private citizen. At Natchez, his arrival was anticipated, by the congregating of individuals from all parts of Mississippi, comprising the elite of her distinguished men, irrespective of partisanship, who thronged the wharf, waiting to receive him. On the arrival of the boat, the rush into it was so great as to excite alarm, and the multitude environing it was so large and dense, that some time was consumed in making an opening through it. Mr. Clay found iteasier to accept an invitation to a public dinner, than to resist the importunity with which it was tendered. The guests were numerous. Says one who witnessed the assembly, ‘it was no partisan gathering. The warmest political opponents, sat down face to face with each other, united in one subject at least—the desire to do honor to their distinguished guest—to one whose patriotic motives none of them could doubt, however much they might differ from his principles. In his remarks, he was interrupted more than once by the deep, involuntary murmurs of applause, which burst forth around him. Every word which he uttered, went down and rested upon the hearts of his auditors, like the kind tones of some blessed visitant. It was a proud moment for Henry Clay. The dark elements of faction sank down into quietude before him. Men who had been arrayed for years in political contention, who had hitherto met each other with the compressed lip and knitted brow of hatred, gave back, on this occasion, the smiles of one another.
‘Mr. Clay commenced by an acknowledgment of his gratitude for the honors bestowed upon him. “There is nothing in life,” said he, “half so delightful to the heart, as to know that, notwithstanding the conflicts that arise among men—the whirlwind and madness of party feeling—there yet are times, as on the present occasion, when passion and prejudice slumber—moments, when old differences cease from troubling, and when all that is turbulent, and all that is distrustful, are sacrificed to the generous and social dictates of humanity.”
‘He spoke of general Jackson. He spoke of his great battle. Darkly as he had been traduced, deeply as he had been injured by that man, he yet hesitated not to bestow upon him his full measure of patriotic encomium. His feelings rose with the subject. His eye kindled. There was a moral grandeur in his look; and all who saw it felt that it was the visible manifestation of the triumph of his nobler feelings over the dark sense of wrong.