‘At that moment I would have given my right hand, to have seen general Jackson confronted before his magnanimous opponent—face to face with the man whom he had so foully injured. Had he been there—under the eye of that noble-hearted speaker—every word of commendation, every generous acknowledgment of his services, would have fallen upon his head like a rain of fire.’ In every town which he visited, the citizens gathered round him, and wherever he turned, a hundred hands were extended to clasp his own. Public feeling flowed after him as the tides of the ocean follow the moving moon. Passing through Donaldsonville, where the legislature of Louisiana was in session, he unexpectedly entered the hall of the house of representatives, when that body, including speaker, and members of both parties, simultaneously rose to receive him. In the summer of 1830, business called him to Columbus, the capital of Ohio. At the time, a celebration was had by the mechanicsof the place and vicinity, at which the following honorary toast was given: ‘our inestimable guest, Henry Clay. An efficient laborer in support of the industry of the country. Farmers and mechanics know how to appreciate his services’—to which he responded, in a speech which embraced allusions to his favorite theme, internal improvements, in connection with the hostility of general Jackson to them, as evinced in his veto of acts passed by congress, expressive of its views of that system, and the established policy of the nation. He vindicated their action, and proved its accordance with the provisions of the constitution. The operation of the tariff he also considered, and showed it salutary. In his concluding remarks he adverted to his own circumstances. ‘Why,’ said he, ‘were the fires of unabated persecution kindled around him? Why was the artillery of the press incessantly levelled upon him? What had he done? The history of his past life was before the people. If he had erred in any of his endeavors to subserve the best interests of the public, he regretted it. His conscience, at least, did not reproach him. And what was he doing to draw upon him the maledictions of his countrymen? He was a private citizen. He could exercise authority over none, nor had he any engine of governmental patronage, to pervert and make subservient to purposes of personal aggrandizement.’
At this meeting he exposed the turpitude of the odious doctrines of nullification, which had begun to be agitated at the south.
On the seventeenth of December, 1829, Mr. Clay delivered an address before the Colonization Society, of Kentucky, at Frankfort, in which the principles and objects of that humane institution were ably and eloquently supported. In it, he alluded pointedly to the subject of slavery, surveyed the numerous train of evils consequent upon it, and expressed his hearty desire to coöperate with any society which would mitigate, lessen, or remove them. He lingered, with peculiar pleasure, upon the success which had unexpectedly crowned the efforts of the American Colonization Society, and declared his sincere conviction, that it had most abundant encouragement to persevere and endeavor to redouble its exertions. ‘We may boldly challenge the annals of human nature,’ said he, ‘for the record of any human plan for the melioration of the condition or the advancement of our race, which promises more unmixed good, in comprehensive benevolence, than that of the Colonization Society, if carried into full operation. Its benevolent purposes are not confined to the limits of one continent—not to the prosperity of a solitary race. They embrace the largest two portions of the earth, with the peace and happiness of both descriptions of their present inhabitants, and the countless millions of their posterity. The colonists, reared in the bosom of this republic, with a knowledge of the blessings which liberty imparts, although now unable to share them, will carry a recollection of them to benightedAfrica, and light up, in time, her immense territory. And may we not indulge the hope, that, in a period of time not surpassing in duration that of our own colonial and national existence, we shall behold a confederation of republican states on the western shores of Africa, with their congress, and their annual legislatures, thundering forth in behalf of the rights of man, and causing tyrants to tremble on their thrones!’
Mr. Clay regarded the society, if judiciously managed, competent to diffuse the light and blessings of civilization and christianity, under the guidance of Providence, through the entire vast regions of Africa; saying, that it proposed ‘to send, not one or two pious members of christianity, into a foreign land, among a different and perhaps a suspicious race, of another complexion, but to transport annually, for an indefinite number of years, thousands of efficient missionaries, of the descendants of Africa itself, with the same interests, sympathies, and constitutions of the natives, to communicate the benefits of our holy religion, and of the arts of civilization. And this colony of missionaries is to operate, not alone by preaching the words of truth and revelation, which, however delightful to the ears of the faithful and intelligent, are not always comprehended by untutored savages, but also by works of occular demonstration. It will open the great forest, it will build up cities, erect temples for christian worship, and thus practically exhibit to the native sons of Africa, the beautiful moral spectacle, and the superior advantages, of our religious and social systems. In this unexaggerated view of the subject, the African colony, compared with other missionary plans, presents the force and grandeur of the noble steamer majestically ascending, and with ease subduing the current of the Mississippi, in comparison with the feeble and tottering canoe, moving slowly among the reeds which fringe its shores. It holds up the image of the resistless power of the Mississippi itself, rushing down from the summit of the Rocky mountains, and making its deep and broad and rapid course through the heart of this continent, thousands of miles, to the gulf of Mexico, in comparison with that of an obscure rivulet, winding its undiscernable way through dark and dense forests or luxuriant prairies, where it is quickly and forever lost.
‘Confiding in the approving judgment of Divine Providence, and conscious of the purity and benevolence of our intentions, we may fearlessly advance in our great work. And when we shall, as soon we must, be translated from this into another existence, is the hope presumptuous, that we shall then behold the common Father of the white and the black, the Ruler of the universe, cast his all-seeing eye upon civilized and regenerated Africa, its cultivated fields, its coasts studded with numerous cities, and adorned with temples dedicated to the religion of his redeeming Son, its far-famed Niger, and all its great rivers, lined with flourishingvillages, and navigated by that wonderful power which American genius first applied; and that, after dwelling with satisfaction upon the glorious spectacle, he will deign to look with approbation upon us, his humble instruments, who have contributed to produce it.’
Mr. Clay believed that the association would eventually abolish slavery, whose existence how deeply he deplored, may be gathered from the following language. ‘If I could be instrumental in eradicating this deepest stain upon the character of our country, and removing all cause of reproach on account of it, by foreign nations; if I could only be instrumental in ridding of this foul blot that revered state that gave me birth, or that not less beloved state which kindly adopted me as her son, I would not exchange the proud satisfaction which I should enjoy, for the honor of all the triumphs ever decreed to the most successful conqueror.’
Mr. Clay was elected to the United States senate, by the legislature of Kentucky, in the autumn of 1831. About the same time, in a national convention, at Baltimore, he was nominated to the presidency, in opposition to general Jackson.
Soon after taking his seat in the senate, the subject of the tariff came up for consideration, to which he gave his most efficient aid. The president avowed his hostility to protective measures, and in consequence of his great influence in congress, there was great danger that they would be frittered away, so as to impair very materially their utility, or be entirely destroyed. The south began to murmur their enmity towards them, which they believed operated against their interests. They were violently opposed to the policy of imposing duties on cotton fabrics, which were imported into the United States from Great Britain, the principal consumer of her staple production. From the attitude which she began to assume, in relation to the protective system, just ground of alarm for its safety was apprehended, and furnished an occasion sufficiently critical to call forth one of Mr. Clay’s mightiest efforts. He endeavored to conciliate the south, and cause, if possible, their views to harmonize with the north. On the ninth of January, 1832, he introduced a resolution, providing that the existing duties upon articles imported from foreign countries, and not coming into competition with similar articles made or produced in the United States, ought to be forthwith abolished, except the duties on wines and silks, and that they ought to be reduced, and that the committee on finance be instructed to report a bill accordingly. In defence of this resolution, he made a speech, powerfully illustrating the importance to the whole country of protective enactments. He was followed by Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, in reply. The discussion was continued several days, during which, Mr. Clay made his brilliant speech, in which he signally sustained the American system against the British colonial system. Its delivery occupied several days, and when he ceased, this masterly productionof sound and argumentative reasoning, logical deduction, and legitimate inference, presented to the delighted view of the friends of that system, a mighty monument, destined to perpetuate its practical utility, in connection with the fame of the founder, while, to the enemies of that system, it presented the impregnable bulwark of its defence. Mr. Clay’s speech, on this occasion, may be justly regarded as a complete text-book, where every thing requisite for the defence of protection and internal improvement may be found.
On the thirteenth of March, Mr. Dickerson, from the committee on manufactures, reported a bill, framed in accordance with the suggestions of Mr. Clay’s resolution. This was opposed, on the ground that it did not embrace the whole subject of the tariff, because the duties on articles which were protected, were not reduced. Upon this bill a sharp debate followed, which resulted in its being laid upon the table. After being amended, and variously altered, it passed both houses, and became a law in July, 1832.
This bill preserved all the essential features and characteristics of the protective system unimpaired; too much, indeed, to please the south. Violently opposed to any measures of protection which made the slightest encroachment upon their sectional interests, they regarded the provisions of this bill with the most bitter hatred. The leaven of nullification, which was rapidly spreading itself at the south, gloated over these, and derived new strength to go forth and disseminate its invalidating dogmas. Its aspect grew more and more menacing every day, until, at last, indubitable evidences of an organized opposition to this bill began to appear. In this, South Carolina took the lead. The legislature of that state ratified an ordinance, passed by a state convention at Columbus, in November, 1832, declaring the tariff acts unconstitutional, and utterly null and void. The most decided determination was expressed, to disregard them, and not a few were found insisting upon the right to do so. Measures were devised to resist their enforcement, and munitions of war procured, and warlike preparations made; the other southern states were invited to join her; reports were put in circulation, that Great Britain was about to become her fast and firm ally; and the lovers of liberty began to tremble for the result. The anti-republicans began to chuckle over the fancied prospect, that their predictions were about to be verified—that our liberties, our institutions, and our union, were about to be overwhelmed in utter destruction, by the all-devouring jaws of civil war. President Jackson promptly issued his proclamation, denouncing the doctrines of nullification, and declared that the entire military force of the United States, if necessary, should be employed to put down all attempts to oppose or resist any enactment of the general government. He remonstrated with the people of South Carolina, and urged them to submit to the laws of the United States. His wishes, however,were not heeded. The governor (Mr. Hayne) immediately issued a counter proclamation, setting forth the arbitrary measures which the federal executive sought to subject them to, and counselling them to resist these, even by force of arms, if necessary. The danger that impended increased every hour, notwithstanding the bold and decided stand, which the president took by the side of the laws of the union. In this respect his conduct is entitled to all praise. But it was not occasioned by any good or friendly feeling towards the protective system, nor by any diminution of his hostility towards this. He gave increasing evidence of his willingness to contribute to its destruction, by yielding to the rebellious state all she desired, in abandoning the principle of protection. This had been distinctly avowed, in the report of the secretary of the treasury, recommending the reduction of duties to a revenue standard, and on the twenty-seventh of December, Mr. Verplanck, from the committee on ‘ways and means,’ reported a bill which, in accordance with the recommendation of the secretary’s report, proposed to reduce the duties on imported goods, to an average of about fifteen per cent. upon the foreign valuation. This bill was designed to take immediate effect, and to make a further reduction of duties, on all protected articles, in March, 1834. Thus the administration came over to the ground which the nullifiers desired it to occupy. After the bill had been discussed about a week, the president transmitted a message to congress, together with the abrogating enactments of South Carolina, and recommended the course he deemed proper to be pursued in relation to them. A bill to enforce the collection of the revenue, was brought before the senate a few days subsequent, directing coercive measures to be employed, in case of resistance. Matters seemed fast coming to extremities. The disorganizers, though in a state of readiness, took no decisive steps, but seemed to be looking for an adjustment of the subject occasioning their disquietude, in a way to suit their peculiar views. But the prospect that this would be accomplished, grew every day fainter. At this critical juncture, when no source of help was visible, when the political heavens were continually gathering blackness, and the thunder of insurgency fell with appalling plainness upon the ear, Mr. Clay stepped forth to disperse the gloom, and clothe with the garments of peace, an almost distracted people. He clearly saw, that, to heal the breach which had been made, and which was continually widening, it was necessary to make a partial retrocession from the vantage ground, which by toil and strife he had gained, in relation to the American system. To yield an inch of this, of such vital importance did he conceive it to be to the country, was like allowing the sources of his own existence to be annihilated, one by one.But the salvation of it depended, at this crisis, on making this retrograde movement, as well as the peace, and perhaps life, of no inconsiderable portion of the people. Under these circumstances, he did not hesitate as to the course heought to pursue. It seemed as though he had, some time previous, cast his solicitous eyes over the whole ground; that he had foreseen while in embryo the dark elements of faction and resistance, and nullification, and foresaw that they would commingle, and ferment, and finally originate just such an emergency, as that which reared its horrid front before him. Something like compromise had suggested itself to him, some weeks previous, while spending a season of leisure with a relative in Philadelphia. He then gave the subject considerable consideration, and digested a plan suited to the extremity, which he knew would, sooner or later, arrive. It had come, bringing in its train, remote though they might be, consequences which no patriot, no well-wisher to his country, could contemplate, without standing aghast. To avert these, Mr. Clay deemed it not only desirable, but highly obligatory upon those who were the recipients of the blessings of freedom. Having completed his remedial plan, he spread it before the senate on the eleventh of February, 1833, in the form of a compromise bill. This was the result of mature deliberation and much consultation, both with the friends and enemies of protection. He thought it expedient to ascertain, not only the manner of its reception, but of its operation. Many of those whom he consulted did not approve of his plan. Among these was Mr. Webster. With him Mr. Clay discussed the provisions thoroughly, and though partially convinced of its utility, he did not yield it his entire confidence. Mr. Webster’s opinion, carrying with it great weight, tended to gather a pretty formidable opposition around him at the north, while nullification at the south contributed its share. Mr. Clay, therefore, found it necessary to advance with great caution; to survey carefully every inch of ground he intended to occupy, previous to setting foot upon it. Never, perhaps, was a bill brought before congress under such peculiar circumstances, or when greater talent and skill were needed. The south was willing to be conciliated, but somewhat inclined to dictate terms. A hair-breadth deviation from the line which her predilection designated, might prove fatal to his scheme, and cause the gathering storm to pour its desolating strength upon the land. As far as practicable, Mr. Clay ascertained the feelings of this section in relation to it, and had several interviews with Mr. Calhoun, and other influential members from the south. The proclamation of the president had temporarily diverted their enmity from the system of protection, towards him. To the summary and stern manner in which general Jackson proposed, and even seemed anxious, to settle existing difficulties, there was a great and growing repugnance at the north, and which operated favorably in disposing the south to embrace any plan that might be proposed, though it should not embody all the peculiarities of their views.