[D] The poet and the minstrel early with us became two persons. The word scald comprehended both characters among the Danes, nor do I know that they had any peculiar name for either of them separate. But it was not so with the Anglo-Saxons. They called a poet Sceop. and Leoðþẏꞃꞇa: the last of these comes from Leoð, a song; and the former answers to our old word make (Gr. Ποιητής), being derived from Scιppan or Sceopan, formare, facere, fingere, creare (Ang. to shape). As for the minstrel, they distinguished him by the peculiar appellation of Glιᵹman, and perhaps by the more simple title of Ðeaꞃpeꞃe, harper: (See below, notes [H], [I].) This last title, at least, is often given to a minstrel by our most ancient English rhymists. See in this work vol. i. book i. No. 6, vol. iii. book i. No. 7.
[E] [Minstrels ... at the houses of the great, &c.] Du Cange affirms, that in the middle ages the courts of princes swarmed so much with this kind of men, and such large sums were expended in maintaining and rewarding them, that they often drained the royal treasures: especially, he adds, of such as were delighted with their flatteries (præsertim qui ejusmodi ministellorum assentationibus delectabantur). He then confirms his assertion by several passages out of monastic writers, who sharply inveigh against this extravagance. Of these I shall here select only one or two, which show what kind of rewards were bestowed on these old songsters.
"Rigordus de Gestis Philippi Aug. an. 1185. 'Cum in curiis regum seu aliorum principum, frequens turba histrionum convenire soleat, ut ab eis aurum, argentum, equos, seu vestes,[1110] quos persæpe mutare consueverunt principes, ab eis extorqueant, verba joculatoria variis adulationibus plena proferre nituntur. Et ut magis placeant, quicquid de ipsis principibus probabiliter fingi potest, videlicet omnes delitias et lepores, et visu dignas urbanitates et cæteras ineptias, trutinantibus buccis in medium eructare non erubescunt. Vidimus quondam quosdam principes, qui vestes diu excogitatas, et variis florum picturationibus artificiosè elaboratas, pro quibus forsan 20 vel. 30 marcas argenti consumpserant, vix revolutis septem diebus, histrionibus, ministris diaboli, ad primam vocem dedisse, &c."
The curious reader may find a similar, though at the same time a more candid account, in that most excellent writer, Presid. Fauchet (Recueil de la Lang. Fr. p. 73), who says, that, like the ancient Greek Αοιδοι, "Nos trouverres, ainsi que ceux la, prenans leur subject sur les faits des vaillans (qu'ils appelloyent geste, venant de gesta Latin) alloyent ... par les cours rejouir les princes ... Remportans des grandes recompences des seigneurs, qui bien souvent leur donnoyent jusques aux robes qu'ils avoyent vestues: & lesquelles ces juglëours ne failloyent de porter aux autres cours, à fin d'inviter les seigneurs a pareille liberalité. Ce qui a duré si longuement, qu'il me souvient avoir veu Martin Baraton (ja viel menestrier d'Orleans) lequel aux festes et nopces batoit un tabourin d'argent, semé des plaques aussi d'argent gravees des armoiries de ceux a qui il avoit appris a danser." Here we see that a minstrel sometimes performed the function of a dancing-master.
Fontenelle even gives us to understand, that these men were often rewarded with favours of a still higher kind. "Les princesses & les plus grandes dames y joignoient souvent leurs faveurs. Elles etoient fort foibles contre les beaux esprits." (Hist. du Théat.) We are not to wonder then that this profession should be followed by men of the first quality, particularly the younger sons and brothers of great houses. "Tel qui par les partages de sa famille n'avoit que la moitié ou le quart d'une vieux chateaux bien seigneurial, alloit quelque temps courir le monde en rimant, et revenoit acquerir le reste de Chateau." (Fontenelle, Hist. du Théat.) We see then, that there was no improbable fiction in those ancient songs and romances, which are founded on the story of minstrels being beloved by kings' daughters, &c., and discovering themselves to be the sons of some sovereign prince, &c.
[F] The honours and rewards lavished upon the minstrels were not confined to the continent. Our own countryman Johannes Sarisburiensis (in the time of Henry II.) declaims no less than the monks abroad, against the extravagant favour shown to these men. Non enim more nugatorum ejus seculi in histriones & mimos, et hujusmodi monstra hominum, ob famæ redemptionem & dilatationem nominis effunditis opes vestras, &c. (Epist. 247.[1111])
The monks seem to grudge every act of munificence that was not applied to the benefit of themselves and their convents. They therefore bestow great applauses upon the Emperor Henry, who, at his marriage with Agnes of Poictou, in 1044, disappointed the poor minstrels, and sent them away empty. "Infinitam histrionum & joculatorum multitudinem sine cibo & muneribus vacuam & mœrentem abire permisit." (Chronic. Virtziburg.) For which I doubt not but he was sufficiently stigmatized in the songs and ballads of those times. Vid. Du Cange, Gloss. tom. iv. p 771, &c.
[G] [The annals of the Anglo-Saxons are scanty and defective.] Of the few histories now remaining that were written before the Norman Conquest, almost all are such short and naked sketches and abridgements, giving only a concise and general relation of the more remarkable events, that scarce any of the minute circumstantial particulars are to be found in them: nor do they hardly ever descend to a description of the customs, manners, or domestic economy of their countrymen. The Saxon Chronicle, for instance, which is the best of them, and upon some accounts extremely valuable, is almost such an epitome as Lucius Florus and Eutropius have left us of the Roman history. As for Ethelward, his book is judged to be an imperfect translation of the Saxon Chronicle;[1112] and the Pseudo Asser, or Chronicle of St. Neot, is a poor defective performance. How absurd would it be then to argue against the existence of customs or facts, from the silence of such scanty records as these! Whoever would carry his researches deep into that period of history, might safely plead the excuse of a learned writer, who had particularly studied the Ante-Norman historians. "Conjecturis (licet nusquam sine verisimili fundamento) aliquoties indulgemus ... utpote ab historicis jejune nimis & indiligenter res nostras tractantibus coacti ... Nostri ... nudâ factorum commemoratione plerumque contenti, reliqua omnia, sive ob ipsarum rerum, sive meliorum literarum, sive historicorum officii ignorantiam, fere intacta prætereunt." Vide plura in Præfat. ad Ælfr. Vitam a Spelman. Ox. 1678, fol.
[H] [Minstrels and harpers.] That the harp (cithara) was the common musical instrument of the Anglo-Saxons, might be inferred from the very word itself, which is not derived from the British, or any other Celtic language, but of genuine Gothic original, and current among every branch of that people: viz. Ang.-Sax. Ðeaꞃpe, Ðeaꞃpa; Iceland. harpa, haurpa; Dan. and Belg. harpe; Germ, harpffe, harpffa; Gal. harpe; Span. harpa; Ital. arpa. (Vid. Jun. Etym., Menage Etym. &c.) As also from this, that the word Ðeaꞃpe is constantly used, in the Anglo-Saxon versions, to express the Latin words cithara, lyra, and even cymbalum: the word psalmus itself being sometimes translated Ðeaꞃp ꞅanᵹ, harp song (Gloss, Jun. R. apud Lye Anglo-Sax. Lexic.)
But the fact itself is positively proved by the express testimony of Bede, who tells us that it was usual at festival meetings for this instrument to be handed round, and each of the company to sing to it in his turn. See his Hist. Eccles. Anglor. lib. iv. c. 24, where speaking of their sacred poet Cædmon, who lived in the times of the Heptarchy (ob. circ. 680) he says: