with a flat top projecting on both sides for the guttural stop g, reserving the continental g for the dzh sound in such words as egge (edge), leggen, seggen: the latter occurs in this extract only in gluternesse 167, and that by mistake. In his representation of late OE. eo, ēo, the author hesitated between eo and e, preferring the former at the beginning, but gradually increasing the use of the latter, so that it becomes normal in the last third of the work and invariable in the Dedication and Preface, which were, no doubt, written last of all. He then appears to have aimed at uniformity by scraping out, not always effectually, the o wherever he had written eo, which was restored in many instances (but apparently not in this extract) by a later scribe in a fainter ink and thinner letter. Holt, by printing eo wherever it once existed, fails to represent the actual state of the manuscript: in this extract o is still visible, though partly erased, in heore 56, heoffness, leome 57, þeossterrnesse 65, deofless 67, heoffness, leome 70, heoffness 77, mildheorrtnesse 78, heoffness 107, 113, deofless 126; everywhere else it is completely erased. Finally, heffness 174 is so written without erasure in a line added lengthwise on the margin, perhaps from the following leaf, which is now missing and may have been withdrawn by the author. It is generally held that Orm employed eo and e to represent the same sound, the former being a traditional spelling. This is unlikely on the part of a determined phonetician like Orm, who would naturally be impatient of traditional spellings. Much more probable is Bülbring’s view that Orm spoke a mixed dialect, in which an [ö] sound existed beside the [e] sound, and that he finally decided for the latter.
Oral a is a, acc 3, habbenn 51; a before nasals a, grammcunndnesse 86, ‘năme’ i. 9717; a before lengthening groups a, faldess 56 (fal(o)d), hande 10, sang 131, but short in annd 114, unstressed, stanndenn 67, 117: the indefinite pronoun is mann 36. æ is a, affterr 21, fasste 59, wăke 76; ꝥat 46 was probably meant for þatt: wrecche 4 (4 times), wrecchelike 24 is OE. wrecca. e is e, cwellen 38, hĕre 123, hĕte 87, sett 146, but se̋tt 68 (probably miswritten), stressed wel 34 (13), qualifying a verb, and in most cases at the end of the first half-line, beside well 29 (4), qualifying adjective or adverb; e before lengthening groups is e, ende 113, genge 129, but short are senndeþþ 62 and enngle 15 (10), with a consonant after the lengthening group: whillc 152, iwhillc 134, 161 represent hwilc, gehwilc, swillke 69, swilc. i is i, cribbe 2, friþþ 133, inn 2 &c., mikell 93, wĭtenn 3 (Orm divided wiþþ utenn 113), but in 170: i before lengthening groups is i, bindenn 10, child 4, shildenn 67, 126, but brinngenn 18, sinndenn 74, 169, winnde clū́t 2, 7. o is o, follc 30, biforenn 16; before lengthening groups o, unorneliȝ 45, worde 60, but short are wollde 5, forrþrihht 1 (usually forþ uncompounded): o is u in wurrþenn 33, 48 (worden) by analogy of the infinitive. u is u, stunnt 27, vnnorne 4; before lengthening groups u, sungenn 131, tunge 119, wundenn 7, but short are hunngerr 37, unnderrstanndenn 109, wullderr 132, wunnderrliȝ 35. y is i, dill 27 (*dyll), gillteþþ 155, ifell 64, þrisst 37, wrihhte 151; before lengthening groups, kinde 108, but birrþ 3, 44.
ā is a, á 174, lare 79, whas 90; before two consonants a, bitacneþþ 100, gast 73: shortening in hallȝhe 69: swā is usually swa 17, but se 1 (swē). ǣ1 is æ, hæþenndom 161, læreþþ 73, sæ 12; before two consonants æ, næfre 41, unnclænnesse 161, but a in aniȝ 157 (ānig), lasse 39, mast 169 (North. māst). ǣ2 is mostly æ, færedd 84, 91, lætenn 45, 54, þær 19 (4), wæde 8, wære 17 (3), wærenn 58 (3), but e in greditleȝȝc 167, and with shortening fordredd 88 (4); before two consonants æ, wæpnedd 90, and e with shortening, sellðe 95. ē is e, betenn 158, eche 19, fe̋t 10, le̋t 10, but o in doþ 29 &c., from the plural. ī is i, bliþe 85, pinenn 36, riche 5 (4); before two consonants i, crist 1, 90, cristenndom 49, but elsewhere usually crisstendom. ō is o, dom 75, god 71; before two consonants o, frofrenn 60, 66: shortened in comm 26, 30, 55, soffte 85. ū is u, brukenn 174, -clū̋t 2, űt (numen) 53; shortened in vpp 18, 142, uss 3, 62. ȳ is i, bisne 43 (bȳsne), grisliȝ 91 (*grȳslig), kiþenn 92, litell 21 (3), shrideþþ 6.
ea before r + cons. is a, naru 13, starrke 75; before lengthening groups æ, ærd 5, middelærd 6, but harrd 37, towarrd 87, warrþ 3 (3). The i-umlaut is not represented in this extract, it is e in ‘errfe’ i. 1068, beside ‘dærne’ i. 2004, where æ represents ea before a lengthening group. ea before l + cons. is a (Anglian), all 3 &c., hallf 36, 93; before lengthening groups a, haldenn 22, kald 37, walde 124; the i-umlaut is e, beldeþþ 79, corrected out of miswritten beoldeþþ; see 359/5. eo before r + cons. is e, herrte 89, 119, but misspelt herte 134; before lengthening groups e, erless 164, erþe 20 (4). To the wur group belong forrwerrpenn 149, wurrþenn 17 (3), wurrþshipe 132: ȝernenn 21 is without umlaut, but hirde 53, hirdess 46, irre 75, 167. eo before l + cons. is seen in sellf 53, sellfenn 19 (4). eo, u-umlaut of e is eo, heoffness 57 (5), but e in heffness 5 (11), hefennlike 8, werelld 9: the å-umlaut of e is wanting in berenn 29; the umlaut of i is eo in heore 56, but here 50, ‘fele’ i. 7640. ea after palatals is a, shall 134, shaffte 9, unnshaþiȝnesse 50 (scæþþig). ie after g is i, ȝifenn 14 (5), ȝifeþþ 72, gife 174: ȝef is ȝiff 80. eo after g is u, ȝung 108; after sc, o, shollde 47, 94, sholldenn 50, 96.
ēa is æ, læfe 49, ræfenn 89, sæm 29, but e in ec 53 &c.; its i-umlaut is e, ekedd 129, lefenn 96. ēo is e, ben 7, bitwenenn 141, defell 86 (3), lefe 34, lem 77 (4), sen 40, þed 15, and eo, deofless 67, leome 57, seo 91; ȝho 2 (hēo) shows shifted accent: the i-umlaut of ēo is wanting in lesenn 102, nede 33, stereþþ 9, þessterrnesse 63, 160, þeossterrnesse 65. gīet is ȝḗt 39. ēa after palatals is e, shep 50, 54, īe after g, e, ȝemenn 52, 125.
a + g is aȝh, laȝhess 22. æ + g is aȝȝ, daȝȝ 99 (= daī), daȝȝess s. g. 100 (= dai-iess), laȝȝ 16, maȝȝ 40 (3), but seȝȝde 92 (as if from *segde). e + g is eȝȝ, leȝȝd 13 (= leīd). Final -ig is iȝ (= ī), aniȝ 157, bodiȝ 173, grisliȝ 91, modiȝnesse 87; greditleȝȝc 167 is probably miswritten. i + h is ihh, sihhþe 58, 77. o + g is oȝh, forrhoȝhenn 149. u + g is uȝh, muȝhenn 80, 142. ā + g is aȝh, aȝhenn 3, 54. ō + g is oh, inoh 31. ea + h is seen in waxenn 137; the i-umlaut in mihhte 36, 137, nihht 55, 57, but mahht 72, allmahhtiȝ 108, nahht 46 (4) descend from Anglian forms in æ. eo + ht is ihht in brihhte 77, rihhte 49, 89, 91, fihhten 123; the i-umlaut is wanting in seþ 84 (corr. out of seoþ). ēa + h is ehh, þehh 74 (ðēh shortened by loss of stress), neh 30. ēo + ht is seen in lihht 57 (as if from leoht). ā + w gives aw, sawless 69, 129, wawenn 151. hewe 70 is from Anglian hēow: ohht 145 represents oht, similarly nohht 40, 91. ēa + w appears in awwnedd 105 (*ēawnian); ēo + w in reweþþ 158 (corr. out of reoweþþ), trowwþe 90 (treowþ without umlaut and with shifted accent), þeww 72 (= þeū: from þeow), so, too, þewwten 31.
Ealswā is alls 172: for e, i appears in drihhtin 42 (6); it is lost in wiþþren 150, added in swikedomess 67, 168, onne 29, ‘offe’ i. 4097 by analogy of inne, uppe: o is a in anan 1. The prefix ge is i, iwhillc 134, 161.
Metathesis of r is seen in þrisst 37, wrihhte 151. n is lost in i 2, o 36; by inadvertence it is not doubled in unorneliȝ 45, comp. vnnorne 4. f is used in every position, faldess 56, hafeþþ 28, hallfe 93, but it was probably voiced between vowels and vowellikes, v as in ‘serven’ i. 506 is rare. For d, þ appears by analogy in wurrþenn 33, 48. After d, t, certain pronominal words change initial þ to t, tær 13, tanne 94, tatt 13 &c., teȝȝ 128, te 25, 115, tu 34. sć is regularly sh, shrideþþ 6, shop 9, nesshe 37; in bisscopess 51, ‘bisskopess’ i. 7233 (but elsewhere bisshopess), and mennisscnesse 38, sc is probably due to Scandinavian influence. The stop c is k before e, i, makenn 5, mannkinn 21, c before o, u, other consonants and final, comm 26, clut 2, flocc 49, ec 53 (contrast ekedd 129), k or c in other positions, kald 37. č is ch, child 4, eche 19, but palatalization does not take place in swillke 69, illke 13, illkess 161, iwhillc 134, whillc 152 and ekedd 129, mikell 93, miccle 33. čč is cch in wrecche 4: cw is regularly preserved, cwellenn 38, cwike 15; qu occurs in the Latin words quarrterrne, quaþþrigan. Palatal g is ȝ, ȝæn 73, ȝernenn 21, ȝifenn 14 (6), but gife 174: the guttural spirant is ȝh, follȝhenn 79, 107, 165, hallȝhe 69, sinnȝheþþ 155. The guttural stop