They write from Stockholm, that the Court of London has thought proper to make representations to that of Sweden, concerning the rencounter which a convoy of merchant ships, under the escort of the Swedish frigate, the Jaramas, had with the English squadron of Commodore Stewart, who would have visited these merchant ships. The Court of London pretends, that he was authorised to make such a visit, even in virtue of the articles of the convention of the armed neutrality, concluded between the three powers of the north; but that the Court of Stockholm, far from blaming the refusal of the Captain of the Jaramas, to permit the visit, had highly approved his conduct, and answered, "that this officer had acted, conformably to his duty, for that the regulation in one of the articles of the convention of the armed neutrality in regard to the visits of merchant ships, respected only the vessels, which navigated without convoy, but not at all those which should be found under convoy, and consequently under the protection of a sovereign flag (Pavillon,) the warranty of the nature of their cargo, and of the property."
Petersburg, December 14th, 1781. "The Minister of Sweden having communicated, by express order of the King his master, to our Court, the complaints which that of London had made, concerning the rencounter of the Swedish frigate, the Jaramas, with the squadron of Commodore Keith Stewart, as well as the answer, which had been given to those complaints, the Vice Chancellor, the Count d'Ostermann, declared the day before yesterday to this Minister, 'that her Imperial Majesty highly approved the answer of the Court of Stockholm, and found it in all points conformable to the principle, which she herself would follow in a parallel case. In consequence, if contrary to all appearance, the Court of London should not be satisfied with it, and should pretend to be able to visit neutral merchant ships, which should be found under the protection of the King, or under that of the sovereign flag of one of the allies, her Imperial Majesty would be always ready to concur, and to co-operate with his Swedish Majesty and the other allies, to oppose themselves to it, as well as to maintain the independence and respect due to their respective flags.' At the same time, orders have been sent to all the Ministers of the Empress, at the belligerent powers, that 'in case there should arise just complaints or difficulties, with relation to the detention, the capture, the carrying off, or the ill treatment, which merchant ships, navigating under the flag of this empire, or under that of one of the allies of the convention of neutrality, shall have suffered, from ships of war or armed vessels, of one or another of the belligerent powers, they should make at first, in such case, every one in his place, the necessary representations and requisitions, for reclaiming the said vessels, the reparation of losses, &c. and concur and concert to this effect with the other Ministers of the contracting Courts, without asking or waiting for further orders. The allied Courts will be requested, moreover, to give the orders to their respective Ministers residing near the belligerent powers.' A courier, despatched this day to the Hague and to London, carries these orders to the Ministers of the Empress, as well as the acts of accession of the Emperor to the principles of the convention of neutrality. The day before yesterday, the usual day of the conferences with the Vice Chancellor, he communicated the same acts to the foreign Ministers."
With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Amsterdam, February 14th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
Yesterday the duplicate of your letter of the 23d of October was brought to me, the original is not yet arrived. It is with great pleasure I learn, that a Minister is appointed for foreign affairs, who is so capable of introducing into that department an order, a constancy, and an activity, which could never be expected from a committee of Congress, so often changing, and so much engaged in other great affairs, however excellent their qualifications or dispositions. Indeed, Sir, it is of infinite importance to me to know the sentiments of Congress; yet I have never known them in any detail or with any regularity, since I have been in Europe. I fear Congress have heard as little from me since I have been in Holland. My despatches by the way of St Eustatia, and by several private vessels, and by the South Carolina, have been vastly unfortunate.
My situation, Sir, has been very delicate; but as my whole life from my infancy has been passed through an uninterrupted series of delicate situations, when I find myself suddenly translated into a new one, the view of it neither confounds nor dismays me. I am very sensible, however, that such a habit of mind borders very nearly upon presumption, and deserves very serious reflections. My health is still precarious. My person has been thought by some to have been in danger; but at present I apprehend nothing to myself or the public.
This nation will have peace with England, if they can obtain it upon honorable terms; but upon no other. They cannot obtain it upon any other, without giving offence to France, and England will not make peace upon such conditions. I shall, therefore, probably remain here in a very insipid and insignificant state a long time, without any affront or answer. In the parties, which divide the nation, I have never taken any share. I have treated all men of all parties whom I saw alike, and have been used quite as well by the Court party as their antagonists. Both parties have been in bodily fear of popular commotions, and the politics of both appear to me to be too much influenced by alternate fears, and I must add, hopes of popular commotions. Both parties agree in their determinations to obtain peace with England, if they can; but Great Britain will not cease to be the tyrant of the ocean until she ceases to be the tyrant of America. She will only give up her claims of empire over both together.