The Dutch have an undoubted right to judge for themselves, whether it is for their interest to connect themselves with us or not. At present I have no reason to be dissatisfied. I have, in pursuance of the advice of the Count de Vergennes and the Duc de la Vauguyon, added to that of several members of the States, demanded an answer. I was received politely by all parties, though you will hear great complaints from others that I am not received well. They have their views in this; they know that this is a good string for them to touch. I stand now in an honorable light, openly and candidly demanding an answer in my public character. But it is the Republic that stands in a less respectable situation, not one member of the Sovereignty having yet ventured to give an answer in the negative. The dignity of the United States is, therefore, perfectly safe, and if that of this Republic is questionable, this is their own fault, not ours. Your advice, to be well with the government, and to take no measures which may bring upon me a public affront, is perfectly just. All appearance of intrigue, and all the refinements of politics, have been as distant from my conduct as you know them to be from my natural and habitual character.
Your advice to spend much of my time at the Hague, I shall in future pursue, though I have had reasons for a different conduct hitherto. As to connexions with the Ministers of other powers, it is a matter of great delicacy. There is no power but what is interested directly or indirectly in our affairs at present. Every Minister has at his own Court a competitor, who keeps correspondences and spies, to be informed of every step; and open visits to or from any American Minister are too dangerous for them to venture on. It must be managed with so much art, and be contrived in third places, and with so much unmeaning intrigue, that it should not be too much indulged, and after all, nothing can come of it. There is not a Minister of them all, that is intrusted with anything, but from time to time to execute positive instructions from his Court.
A loan of money has given me vast anxiety. I have tried every experiment and failed in all; and am fully of opinion, that we never shall obtain a credit here until we have a treaty. When this will be, I know not. If France has not other objects in view of more importance, in my opinion she may accomplish it in a short time. Whether she has or not, time must discover.
Mr Barclay is here doing his utmost to despatch the public effects here; but these will turn out the dearest goods that Congress ever purchased if they ever arrive safe. It has been insinuated, I perceive, that I was privy to the purchase of a parcel of English manufactures among these goods. This is a mistake. It was carefully concealed from me, who certainly should not have countenanced it, if I had known it. Mr Barclay will exchange them all for the manufactures of Germany or Holland, or sell them here. The ordinance of Congress against British manufactures, is universally approved as far as I know, as a hostility against their enemies of more importance than the exertions of an army of twenty thousand men.
With great esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Amsterdam, February 19th, 1782.
Sir,