But suppose, what may possibly be the case, that the British administration are sincere, how is the honor and good faith of the United States to be justified to their allies, and to the world, if by any of those causes which daily operate, this secret, which is now known to sixty or seventy people, should be discovered? To tell the world that we suspected France, will not suffice, unless we can show probable grounds for such suspicion. Our Ministers inform us, that when they communicated the articles of the treaty to Count de Vergennes, "he appeared surprised, but not displeased at their being so favorable to us." Mr Laurens declares expressly, "That he sees no cause for entertaining more particular jealousy, than ought to be kept up against every negotiating Court in the world, and not half so much as should at this moment be upon the watch against every motion arising from our new half friends."
I confess, Sir, though my sentiments are of little moment that I am fully of this opinion, and that I tremble lest we should at this hour be on the edge of a precipice, the more dangerous, as we have fixed our eyes on the flattering prospect which lies beyond it. I am persuaded that, the old maxim, "Honesty is the best policy," applies with as much force to States as to individuals. In that persuasion, I venture humbly to recommend, that such measures be adopted as to manifest, that repeated professions of fidelity to their engagements, and confidence in their ally, may not appear to have been made by Congress to mask deceit. The caution, which negotiations require, and the light in which objects have appeared to our Ministers, may justify them, and perhaps entitle them to credit for attempting to serve us at every personal hazard.
But, Sir, it certainly cannot consist with the honor of these States, upon such slight grounds, to contradict their own resolutions, and forfeit the confidence of an ally, to whom it has been so much indebted, and whose aid it is at this moment supplicating for the means of carrying on another campaign.
Under these impressions, I humbly submit these resolutions, namely;
"That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs be directed to communicate the Separate Article in the Provisional Preliminary Treaty with Great Britain, to the Minister of his Most Christian Majesty, in such manner as will best tend to remove any unfavorable impression it may make on the Court of France, of the sincerity of these States or their Ministers.
"That the Ministers for negotiating be informed of this communication, and of the reasons which influenced Congress to make it. That they be instructed to agree, that in whatever hands West Florida may remain at the conclusion of the war, the United States will be satisfied that the line of Northern boundary be as described in the said separate, articles.
"That it is the sense of the United States in Congress, that the articles agreed upon between the Ministers of these States, and those of his Britannic Majesty, are not to take place until a peace shall have been actually signed between their Most Christian and British Majesties."
Congress will easily believe, that I offer these sentiments with the utmost diffidence; that I see many and powerful arguments that militate against them; that I feel extreme pain in advising a measure, which may hurt the feelings of Ministers, to whom we are indebted for their continued zeal and assiduity, all of whom I respect, and with one of whom I have had the closest and most intimate friendship from our earliest youth. But, Sir, it is a duty that my office requires; and I am happy in reflecting that this duty is discharged, when I have proposed what I think right, and that the better judgment of Congress is to determine.[26]
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.