[7] (p. [211]).—For sketch of Lalemant, see vol. [iv.], note [20]. The lay brother, Jean Liégeois, was long a useful member of the mission; he had charge of the construction of the college at Quebec, and also erected at Three Rivers the house and chapel occupied by the mission there. He was several times sent to France on the business of the mission. He was slain by the Iroquois, May 29, 1655, while superintending the construction of a fort near Sillery, for the defence of the native converts there resident.
[8] (p. [213]).—See sketch of Giffard in vol. [vi.], note [8]. Ferland says (Cours d'Histoire, vol. i., pp. 265-267): "This edifice [Champlain's chapel, built in 1633] was not long adequate for the French population, which was every year increased by the arrival of new colonists; and in a short time it became necessary to make a considerable enlargement of the building.... The return of the French to Canada had produced such a movement in the maritime provinces of Western France, and especially in Normandy. From all sides came offers of aid; pious persons sent charitable gifts, either for the missions, or for the instruction of the French and the savages. In many communities, nuns offered themselves to nurse the sick, or to educate young girls; some even were pledged to this work by vows. Christian families, desiring to seek peace in the solitudes of the new world, asked for information as to the advantages that Canada could offer them. This interest was aroused by the relations that the Jesuits sent in 1632 and 1633. These being published, and disseminated in Paris and the provinces, had drawn public attention to the colony. From Dieppe, from Rouen, from Honfleur, and from Cherbourg, went forth many young men to seek their fortunes on the shores of the St. Lawrence; many heads of families followed them; and soon the movement spread to Perche, to Beauce, and to the Isle of France. To render emigration easier, associations were formed. One of the most successful was established, at Mortagne, in 1634, under the direction of Sieur Robert Giffard."
[9] (p. [213]).—For sketch of Buteux, see vol. [vi.], note [5].
[10] (p. [213]).—This paragraph occurs, in the text we follow, on page [327], after the paragraph ending, "apres avoir cruellement massacré les autres." But in the second (Paris) issue, and in those of Quebec and Avignon, it is found as here given. The latter arrangement is undoubtedly correct, for St. John Baptist's day occurred on June 24, not on July 24.
[11] (p. [213]).—For sketch of Brébeuf, see vol. [iv.], note [30]; of Daniel and Davost, vol. [v.], notes [31], [32]; of the foundation of Three Rivers settlement, vol. [iv.], note [24].
[12] (p. [215]).—For sketch of Louis Amantacha, see vol. [v.], note [20].
[13] (p. [229]).—Concerning this Sainte Croix Island, see vol. [ii.], note [66].
[14] (p. [233]).—The Frenchman murdered by the Hurons was Étienne Brulé (see vol. [v.], note [37]). Concerning Nicolas Viel, see vol. [iv.], note [25].
[15] (p. [235]).—This Table of Chapters is not in the first issue; we copy it from the second issue (see Bibliographical Data, vol. [vi.], doc. xxiii).
[16] (p. [239]).—This "poison" was the Huguenot or "reformed" faith. The third Huguenot war had ended with the surrender of La Rochelle, Oct. 29, 1628. The edict of Nismes (July, 1629) was one of amnesty and pacification; and under Richelieu's administration, until his death (Dec. 4, 1642), the Huguenots were fairly sheltered and prosperous. Richelieu had said to the Protestant ministers of Montauban, upon the capitulation of that city: "I shall make no discrimination between the King's subjects, save as to their loyalty. This loyalty being henceforth common to the adherents of both religions, I shall help both equally, and with the same affection." Baird says that the cardinal was honest in this declaration, and that his treatment of the Protestants was, on the whole, tolerably impartial. Still, they were, since their defeat, deprived of all political and military power; and court influences were often unfavorable and even hostile to them. Numerous restrictions were laid upon their assemblies, the functions of their pastors, and the erection or restoration of their churches,—in some cases nullifying the provisions of the edict of Nismes. It is doubtless these restrictions for which Le Jeune commends Richelieu. The condition of the Huguenots at this time, and Richelieu's policy toward them, are discussed at length in Baird's Huguenots and the Revocation (N. Y., 1895), vol. i., pp. 343-359. A detailed account of the war above referred to (in which Charles I. of England at first assisted the Huguenots), with the text of the edict of Nismes, is given in Merc. François, vol. xv. (1629), pp. 227-565.