(This copy was well and faithfully compared with the original by me, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, without there being found any interpolation or erasure which would occasion doubt; and the said Fernaõ Riquel was present at the comparison, and signed here with me—together with Baltesar de Freitas, notary of this fleet of the king our lord, who affixed here his assent—on this day, the twenty-ninth of December of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.
Pero Bernaldez.)
(This copy was compared before me, Baltesar de Freitas, notary of the fleet, in the said day, month, and year, aforesaid.
Baltesar de Freitas.)
(On the said day, month, and year, above-mentioned, I was present at the correction of this copy.
Fernando Riquel.)
Second Summons: Replying to this reply to my first summons, made by the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi, general of the camp and of the people of Nova Spanha, I declare that the essence, subject, and right of all this matter is not contained in words, but in deeds; and that his grace has up to the present time acted in a way very displeasing to God, to his majesty and to the king our sovereign, as I shall set forth in detail. As regards his grace's coming by authority of his royal majesty, the king Don Felipe, in order to discover lands, the islands of the West lying within his demarcation, and to propagate Christianity therein, as should be the principal purpose of so Christian a prince; and bearing withal instructions not to enter into aught, or in any way infringe the treaty and agreement made between the emperor Don Carlos and the king our sovereign Don Joan the Third (both of whom I pray God may have in glory): this does not absolve, but rather condemns him, inasmuch as he has acted in a manner so contrary to his instructions, neither making discoveries, nor founding any Christian communities, nor limiting himself to his own demarcation, but hastening with great speed to penetrate so many leagues through our demarcation—contrary to the faith, oath, agreement, and instructions of his true king and lord. He would indeed be able to say that he was ignorant of the bound and limit of these two demarcations, if Father Urbaneta had not told and requested him to settle such of the Ladrones Islands as, on his way around them, he might discover; if his majesty had not charged him not to enter, under any consideration, into the territory belonging to the king our sovereign; and if he had not been told and informed by the ships which were in this vicinity that the islands belonged to us, all which will appear, in proper time, in documents sworn before a notary. His grace's saying, in his letter written to me at Maluco, that he entered into this our conquest in consequence of stormy weather surprised me not a little, for the Portuguese in their voyages from Portugal to India (although even more exposed to inclement weather, to more violent winds, and to rough and heavy seas), never encountered a tempest of such violence as to endure for more than twenty-four hours, or in which, however far one of our ships might run, (with sails either furled or spread forth to the wind) they ever passed over an extent of more than fifty or sixty leagues—although, it is true, I have heard it said that one of our ships once ran a distance of eighty leagues; but his grace's having entered three hundred leagues into these waters of ours causes me anxiety, especially in view of his coming through a sea so calm and winds so gentle that small boats are able to navigate it, as most of the people of this region have told and declared to me. As regards his saying that he was absolutely obliged to enter, owing to lack of provisions, I reply through the lips of the captain of his company and those of ours here, who affirmed that in the Ladrones Islands where he was best employed in the service of God, so many boats brought him supplies that their number was estimated in one single day at six hundred; moreover, that in the islands aforesaid, and in others by which they passed, they obtained hens, swine, fish, rice, and yams. The same thing was told me by the father prior; and I understand that Guido de Lavezaris, treasurer of his majesty and his grace, having, in this archipelago of ours, nothing left of the six hundred boat-loads and obtaining in this region so little food in the boats or camp, sent to Panae and others of our districts for supplies at the cost of a great deal of trouble. This is a fact well attested, since I have been in this port; for I consented and allowed many vessels bearing supplies to enter, on their declaring to me that there was so great lack of provisions here that many soldiers were living upon grass. I assert it to be clear and evident, moreover, for every man of judgment and understanding, that so rich a fleet—comprising so large ships, sent forth for the purpose of discovery by its king, and departing from his kingdom of Nova Spanha, a land of so great fertility and abundance—would not lack supplies and munitions for three or even four years; and that a fleet so large as that of which his grace is commander must have come provided and supplied with everything necessary for a long period of time. And this was, indeed, declared to be the fact by the chief men of the encampment, who said that biscuit and supplies abounded on the flagship, when it arrived hence at Nova Spanha; and that there was great superfluity in many things obtained from the islands lying within their demarcation, as well as in many more which his grace brought over in his fleet. In this lack of provisions (in which he placed himself very much by his own choice), we placed Alvoro de Mendonça, who was then captain of the fortress of Maluco, at his disposal for everything that he might need from these lands and seas of the king our sovereign, in the month of July of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-seven through the means of Antonio Ronbo da Costa and Baltesar de Sousa, whom I sent for this purpose from Maluco in two caracoras. This his grace did not accept— on account of the abundance of everything which he possessed, as if appears—contrary to the action which would be taken by one who is in necessity, and who avails and assists himself even through the medium of his enemies; and even more so in the case of so good friends as are and always have been the vassals of the king our sovereign and those of the sovereigns of Castela, between which princes there exists a very ancient relation and intimacy. The excuse he gives, in addition to the others already mentioned, of entering into this our sea and conquest, because he knew that the Portuguese have no commercial relations as yet within these islands, is weak and of no avail; for in what law, either divine or human, does his grace find it written that, when the kings and their vassals disregard for a time commercial relations with lands belonging within their demarcations, others should consequently take therefrom gold and drugs, which do not belong to them? As for his saying that he entered here to look for Spaniards who remained in these islands from the fleet of Ruilopez de Villalobos, and that he has already ransomed one, and has information regarding two more—this is a very poor reason for violating good faith, truth, oath, and so solemn a compact between so Christian princes. This is especially true in view of the knowledge and experience (to which Guido de Lavezaris could testify) of the great affection and sheltering kindness with which those of the company of Ruilopez de Villalobos were received and transported to Spanha (at great expense to his highness and his captains), through the favor of the viceroy, and were well looked after in our merchant ships; while those who, with his approbation, wished to remain here, were likewise granted many favors, and, having become rich, now dwell in the fortresses and cities of India. Moreover, he might have trusted us in this matter of the three Spaniards, who remained here at all the less cost to his majesty, and without serving his highness. As for trying to make me to believe that he was serving the interests of the king our sovereign during his stay in this our king's land, with his safeguards and defenses. I emphatically assert that they were all erected very much against his interests; for one who has the intention alleged by his grace gives evidences plain to all, assuring the inhabitants of the land against those accompanying him, but not by means of fortifications and a so great assumption of authority in another's kingdom—usurping therein the vassalage rights of his highness and transferring the same to his majesty, who already has so many; obliging the natives to pay him tribute, and laying down the law to them as if they were his own subjects; and taking them prisoners on their coming to see the captains of their real king and sovereign, as in the case of one who was captured as he came to the pinnace of Antonio Ronbo da Costa, and prevented from speaking with me. As for the chimerical charges which his grace makes against me concerning the letter of Antonio Lopez de Segueira, and the words of the soldiers of Antonio Rumbo, in what manner could he have formed an opinion from a letter written by an individual captain who had been separated for many days from my company, if the sincerity of my intentions should be truly proved without further indications? For I do not know the words of his letter; but the statement of Antonio Lopez, after having had several shots fired against him, was not without cause, inasmuch as, having learned that alien people had a considerable time previous entered into this our territory, and had made a settlement and erected a fort therein, knowing withal but little of his grace, and much of the compact, good faith, and sincerity of his royal majesty the king Don Felipe, it seemed proper to lay the blame upon the captain rather than on the king—of which, in the judgment of many, his grace was not so ill-deserving. God forbid that I should reply to what is said concerning the words of the soldiers, for I should be very much ashamed to have to give account, in so sorry a business, for my actions in entering and remaining in this port; and to make proof of the great zeal which I have for the service of God and of the kings our sovereigns, and of my great desire to preserve peace and amity between us—suffering, as I have, whatever wrong is done me in this camp. Let his grace judge me only upon sure grounds, and not on chimerical accusations of the past, the falsity of which I prove by good deeds in the present. With regard to his claim of not having ships in which to depart from these waters of ours into his own, during the three or four years in which he has been settled in this our port of Cebu, I maintain that he had more than sufficient time and ships in which to leave; for I know that the flagship could carry two hundred men, or as many as his grace may then have had in his camp quite easily (for the return passage had already been discovered), inasmuch as his grace intimated to me in a letter which he wrote me at Maluco that the flagship held even more. And of his own accord he ordered the patache "San Joan," the other small patache, and some frigates to be run ashore; for as soon as one came from Nova Spanha the others could easily go thither—a large fleet, certainly, since it contained more than a thousand men, together with a camp much larger. He lacked, therefore, neither supplies, ships, a known route home, nor time in which to depart from our demarcation, when he entered there, as is plain; the small patache and the flagship, also, were not lacking to him. We offered him everything that he needed from the fortress and fleet of his highness.
Therefore, from the above and from other things previously written, it remains proved, not by the Portuguese, but by the Spaniards themselves, and not by camp-followers but by his chief men, that his grace is not here through necessity, but with a very definite aim, awaiting more men and a fleet, in order forcibly to wrest Maluco, China, and Japan, from the king our sovereign. This is clearly shown by the words of the foremost men of his company, and by the many questions they put to us concerning our knowledge of these regions; as well as by the letters from Nova Espanha which have fallen into my hands.
The encampment: It is shown by the people and munitions which his grace ordered to be brought, and which were brought to him; the flagship and the patache; the extent of the defenses which he is erecting day and night; the great reenforcements which he is procuring from among the infidels to help him fight against us Christians—as was well made evident at the arrival of Antonio Ronbo and at mine; his ordering these people to hasten with their arms to this camp of his, summoning them to fill all the land with snares; and by his resolve to shed, with the aid of his ships, much Christian blood. All this consists of deeds, and not of imaginations such as he brings up before me regarding the king of Ternate; for it is much more certain that the latter has not yet gone forth from his kingdom than that he is now absent from it. It is true that I summoned that king to come with his fleet, as a vassal of the king our sovereign, for many reasons: first and foremost, to induce him to leave his land and not remain there, when I should go thither to investigate his evil deeds against God and his highness in the persecution of the Christian communities of Morobachan, Anboyno, and Celebs—as on several occasions, it was suspected, happened covertly. The second, to take satisfaction upon his people for the treasonable acts which the natives of Taguima committed in their harbor against the boats of the merchantmen from Maluco and of this fleet; but I was unable to inflict punishment by effecting a landing there on account of the country being overgrown with heavy thickets. The third, that I might negotiate for provisions for this archipelago, if his grace should long remain therein. The fourth, to chastise many Moros and natives who have injured, and are injuring, God and his highness. The fifth, to make such use as should be necessary of that king's services and labor. But as for availing myself of his forces against Christians, may God forbid that I should ever do such a thing; and blood so old and free from stain as mine, and so Christian a nation as the Portuguese are, would never tolerate it. And that this is true I have already intimated to his grace, to the father prior, and to Guido de Lavezaris, not forgetting where I begin this reply of mine—wherein I declare that his grace is wronging God, his majesty, and his highness, and is, besides, quite well understood in other matters pertaining to this affair. I add, moreover, in so far as God is concerned: his ordering or consenting to the sale of iron and weapons in this camp to the infidels, so as to arm them against Christians; his ordering javelins [115] to be made in this settlement of negroes and in his own, which the Spaniards would take away to Mindanao and Cavetle to sell, exchanging them for cinnamon, hardwood machetes, axes, knives, and even for drugs. One of the principal items concerns the Lord's Supper—so jealously guarded by the holy fathers, and regarding which they have issued threats of excommunication, so stringent that no one can be absolved except by them. He suffers many men belonging to this camp to have carnal intercourse in public with native women, without punishing them therefor, although making a pretense of being rigorous in other matters of less importance. He takes other people's property, acting in all respects just as if he were ourselves, and thus takes our property against our will. As concerns his majesty, he reduces and renders null and void, in so many respects, his solemn compact (which deserves all the good faith and truth that should belong to so Christion a prince), and thus wrongs his blood relatives to whom he owes so many obligations. He takes from his highness by force these lands conquered by him; and he is awaiting more forces and a fleet to terminate completely the task of capturing them all. For this he is taking measures, with much preparation of war, in his hostility to the captains and people of his highness's fleet—among whom there is no hostile feeling, and who even offer amicably to serve, with much love and pleasure in so doing, both him and all his company. With regard to the two galleys which his grace asks from me, out of the three which I possess, it would not be right to give them to him, even though I found him doing many services to God and to the king our lord in this land. But when I find him wronging them, and intending to wrong them still more, I can but be startled at his grace's asking me for the sinews of this fleet and the sword with which to cut off my own head, as I would be doing if I should give him ships in order that he may carry out the more successfully his purpose—especially as no clause existed in the treaty which would oblige the king our lord to order ships and a fleet to be given to the Spaniards who might pass this way with the intention of doing him injury, in order that they might depart hence and continue on their way. As far as his grace's awaiting a reply from his majesty is concerned, I consider it even more unreasonable to ask for galleys; for, just as one who is committing some deadly sin displeases God all the more the longer he continues therein, so likewise, the longer his grace continues to transgress the good faith and truth of the contract made by his very Christian king and lord, the greater displeasure he will cause to God; but, if he would depart hence, upon our waters, in all peace and amity, God would be pleased and the princes satisfied, since they are so good Catholics and so close and intimate relatives. And his grace would thus be atoning for the past to the king our lord, and to me on his behalf; and would not, considering his age, be obliged, in this last quarter of his life, to oppose God in a matter so contrary to precedent and justice, by trying to remain forcibly in this our land and sea, at the cost of shedding innocent blood in the matter, or of its being wiped out at the same cost—when without any trouble or expense he may attain his wish, and be placed where he may see his sovereign; or, in case of loss, have security therefor, and profit into the bargain. Let him go forth once more to make discoveries, and to propagate our holy Catholic faith, in his own demarcation; and I entreat and summon him to depart with his camp into this fleet, where they will be treated with all the good faith, sincerity, and affection which befits good Christians and vassals of kings so closely bound. For the purpose of returning to Espanha, all necessary supplies and hospitable services will be afforded him. But let him not beg off by saying, as he has already said once, that he has instructions not to transgress or violate the treaty and compact in these our waters; for one who has, in all respects, up to the present time, done precisely the contrary will with all the more justice journey by our waters to Espanha, thus serving God and the kings our lords, rather than injure them by remaining. I also entreat him once more, and with special emphasis summon him, to have his instructions shown to me, as I on my part will do by sending him the orders of the king our lord, whenever he may, with a mind exempt from passion or self-interest, desire me to do so. And I entreat him earnestly as a favor, and I summon him in the name of God and of the said princes, to consider the agreement which I here propose to him: and, having considered it, to carry it out in all respects without distrust, reserve, deceit, or delay whatsoever. And if he does not wish to accept this fleet, which I offer him in order that he may depart, and return to Espanha, let him then depart from this island and from all others belonging to the demarcation of the king our lord, with all his camp implements of war, his master-of-camp, his captains, ensigns, sergeants, corporals, and the other officers and people of war and the royal service. If his grace be unwilling to do this, I bear witness that all the blame and fault which may ensue in this matter will fall upon him, and that he and all his camp will be held and considered as suspected rebels against the mandates of his king and sovereign; and I shall remain exempt from any fault for whatsoever injury and evil may occur. And you, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public in this fleet for the king our lord, are commanded to read to him the contract, and to acquaint the said Miguel Lopez, general of the camp and people of Nova Spanha, with this reply, which shall be incorporated and annexed to the reply made by him, as aforesaid; and of this you will give me the document or documents necessary to be drawn up in public form. I likewise command you, Fernaõ Riquel, notary-in-chief of this camp, and all the other clerks and notaries thereof, to give and transfer to me all the summons, protests, replies, and responses which may be made in this matter, now or hereafter, and the instrument and instruments which shall be necessary to me, in duly attested form. In this galley "San Francisco," on the nineteenth day of the month of October of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. Let there be no doubt in the interlineation which occurs at the hundred and third line of the said reply, namely, vindo questa; and where it reads, in the margin, e requeiro, at the beginning of the two hundred and thirty-first line above-written—for it is all correct. In the same day and year above-written.
Goncalo Pereira.