[5] The Consejo Supremo de Indias, which was established, according to the best authorities, in 1511 by the great Ferdinand, was perfected by Cárlos I, and was reformed by Felipe II. It was composed of a president, a number of togated ministers, and an indefinite number of counselors by brevet, and they all received the same consideration as did members of the Consejo de Castilla. This corporation, which had had so great influence in Spanish colonial matters, was suppressed by royal decree of May 24, 1834, and in its place was erected the Tribunal Supremo de España é Indias, which was renamed Consejo de Estado in 1856. See Dic. encic. Hisp.-Amer., v, p. 827. [↑]
[6] The exact title of this work is as follows: Los diez y seis meses de mando superior de Filipinas, por el mariscal de campo D. Andres G. Camba (Cadiz, 1839). Pardo de Tavera (Bibl. Filipina, p. 79) says of it: “This pamphlet is full of curious revelations and explanations relative to the command of this general, which was so filled with incidents.” Retána (Bibliografía, p. 57) says that Camba was a democrat sui generis. The book is a long exposition of 101 pages, to which are appended various documents (53 pages) on which the exposition is based. The copy of this pamphlet now in the Boston Public Library was formerly in the Retana collection. [↑]
[7] See account of this mutiny in VOL. LI, pp. 47, 48. [↑]
[8] See post, pp. 92, 93, note 37. [↑]
[9] See post, pp. 91–111, the report by Matta. [↑]
[10] In a long note at this point, Mas severely criticises Camba’s book, which he has already mentioned. He declares it lacking in knowledge of the Philippines, and says that it was written to prove that the Philippines are thoroughly loyal in every respect. Mas’s own experience pointed to the existence of an independence party among the Spaniards of the colony. Mas condemns Camba’s policy of giving posts to the natives; as well as Camba’s assertions of the immunity of the governor from removal at the will of the monarch. Camba is accused of a change of sentiment from that which he had during his first years of residence in the country. [↑]
[11] Mas refers to the culture system practiced by the Dutch in the island of Java, 1830–1870. Clive Day (Policy and administration of the Dutch in Java, New York and London, 1904) compares it to the system of forced cultures established by Spain in the Philippines in 1780. In addition to the above book, see the following for the history of Dutch colonization in Java: J. W. B. Money’s Java, or how to govern a colony (London, 1861); P. J. Veth’s Java (Haarlem, 1896–); Jules Leclercq’s Un sejour dans l’île de Java (Paris, 1898); Wilhelm Krüger’s Das Zuckerrohr und seine Kultur (Magdeburg und Wien, 1899); and Pierre Gonnaud’s La Colonisation hollandaise à Java (Paris, 1905). [↑]
[12] A note at this point by Mas mentions a recent pamphlet by a Cuban who advocates complete autonomy for the colonies, and freedom of the press. This author says that long before the French revolution free negroes and mulattoes were being educated in Paris; but Mas says people of that class in Cuba do not travel in foreign countries or receive an education in European colleges. [↑]
[13] Mas cites a passage from Captain Gabriel Lafond’s Quinze ans de voyages autour du monde (1840) to the effect that the Philippine conquest was one of religion. The power of the friars grows because they are permanent in the colony. Their influence over the natives is all powerful, and they regard foreigners and even other Spaniards with suspicion. The friars asserted that the natives to be happy had no need of European civilization; yet they prevented progress by not allowing the entrance of industry. Spain did not suppress the orders in the Philippines, fearing lest it lead to independence. The native priests are those most hostile to the friars. They are almost without education and often dissolute; and are sure to be the first authors of a revolution. Natives should be excluded from the priesthood. [↑]
[14] The insurrection which occurred recently in Tayabas is a patent proof of these truths. The cura of the village where the confraternity of San José was established, advised the alcalde of the province in time of the suspicions with which it infused him. And since the alcalde-mayor refused to consider the matter, he wrote him: “You will be the first victim,” as in truth he was. The cura of the next village also took great interest in it, and so many letters were written to the archbishop of Manila from various places, that the latter sent an official communication to the captain-general. Orders were then issued for the arrest of Apolinario de Santa Cruz, but he fled. The brothers [of the confraternity] held their meetings in the village of Mahahay. The cura informed the archbishop thereof, telling him that, notwithstanding all that he had done, he had been unable to dissuade them from this undertaking. The archbishop sent this advice to the government. To the curas, then, was due the discovery of that crafty conspiracy; and it is almost beyond the pale of doubt that if there had been no others than Filipino parish priests in the villages (as has been once ordered by the government), there would not have been the slightest suspicion of it, until it had been so firmly and generally organized that our ruin would have been the work of a week. (Note by Mas.) [↑]