Mr. Bonar Law, Mr. Lloyd George, Mr. Shortt, Mr. Chamberlain, Mr. Neal, Sir Eric Geddes, Sir Robert Horne, Mr. Churchill.
Monday, December 20th.—As the result of being tossed backwards and forwards between the two Houses the Government of Ireland Bill had already lost most of its awkward corners. The last two were rounded off to-day, when the Government secured that Southern Ireland should have three years, instead of two, in which to make up her mind whether to accept or refuse the proffered Parliament, and that in the meantime only a joint resolution of both Houses should prevent the Act from coming into operation. Lord Midleton pressed hard for a retention of the Lords' veto, but was thrown overboard by Lord Crewe, who was greatly impressed by the Lord Chancellor's reminder that within three years there must be a General Election.
In the Commons Sir Robert Horne performed his customary Monday dance among the fiscal egg-shells. He declined to give an estimate as to the number of British workmen unemployed owing to the importation of German goods—"no man who breathes could do it"—and judiciously evaded acceptance of Sir Frederick Hall's suggestion that one reason why Teuton manufacturers were snapping up Dominion contracts was that their employés worked eleven hours a day.
The close of one of the longest and weariest sessions on record finds the Government in a penitent mood. How long will it last? The Prime Minister told one of his supporters that he hoped next year's programme would be less exacting, and immediately promised another measure dealing with dumping and exchange; and when Sir F. Banbury helpfully suggested that the surest way to avoid an Autumn Session would be to introduce fewer Bills Mr. Bonar Law turned on him with the retort that "a surer way would be to introduce none."
An amusing duel between well-matched opponents took place over liquor control. Mr. Macquisten, whose voice, at once insinuating and penetrative, has been likened to a corkscrew, urged that the bonâ-fide frequenters of public-houses should be consulted in the settlement of the drink regulations. The present arrangement, in his view, was like entrusting the regulation of the Churches to avowed atheists. Lady Astor made full use of her shrill treble in retorting that it was the "victims"—by which apparently she meant the wives of Mr. Macquisten's protégés—who ought to have the last word. She herself had it in the series of incredulous "Oh's!"—uttered crescendo on a rising scale and accompanied by appropriate gesture—with which she received Mr. Macquisten's confident assertion that the working-men's clubs are the enemies of "the Trade."
Supplementary Estimates produced a good deal of miscellaneous information. On the Vote for Road Transport Colonel Mildmay attacked the system of tar-spraying and told a melancholy story of a cow that skidded with fatal results. He was backed up by Sir F. Banbury, who said that he had found the ideal pavement in soft wood and awakened memories of an ancient jest by suggesting that something might be done if he and the Minister of Transport were to put their heads together.
Tuesday, December 21st.—Sir William Davison thundered against the Home Office for not taking steps to prevent the desecration of the Nelson Column by the delivery of seditious speeches. Sir John Baird explained that it was impossible to know beforehand what sort of speech was going to be delivered. But his critic would have none of this paltry excuse. "Did not the regulations provide," he boomed, "that the objects of the meetings must be specified?" Fortunately for the Minister, who had nearly been blown off the Treasury Bench, Mr. Hogge came to the rescue. "Is it not a fact," he inquired, "that the monument was erected to a man who turned a blind eye to orders?"
The strange case of Lord Rothermere and the Committee on Public Accounts was further investigated. The Committee had reported that a certain stationery contract for the Air Ministry had been extravagant and improper. The Air Minister at the time was the noble Lord who has lately been so eloquent about "squander-mania," but he has since, in a letter to the Press, declared that he never signed or initialled the order. Lieut.-Colonel Archer-Shee and Mr. Ormsby-Gore sought the opinion of the Treasury on the transaction, and Mr. Baldwin replied that it was certainly usual for a Minister to be held responsible for his expenditure, and that if subordinate officials were thrown over by their chiefs it would be bad for the Service.
The Lords' amendments to the Commons' amendments to the Lords' amendments to the Government of Ireland Bill were agreed to. Sir L. Worthington-Evans thought to improve the occasion by a neat little speech expressing goodwill to Ireland, and, much to his surprise, found himself in collision with the Speaker, who observed that this was not the time for First Reading speeches.
It was rather hard on Lord Peel, as the grandson of the great Sir Robert, to have to sponsor the Dyestuffs Bill. He frankly described it as "a disagreeable pill." Lord Emmott and other Peers showed a strong disinclination to take their medicine, but Lord Moulton said that the chemists—naturally enough—were all in favour of it, and persuaded the House to swallow the bolus.