A. The Constitutional Convention.
Art.Sec.Clause.
Legislative Department11
142
The House121, 3, 5
The Senate131, 2, 4, 5
Additional Compromise provisions171
194
Executive Department211, 4, 5, 6
Judicial Department311
Commerce questions183
191, 5, 6
Surrender of powers by States1101, 2, 3
Grant of these powers to U. S.181, 3, 5, 11
Ratification of the Constitution7
The first ten Amendments6 and Amdts. 1-10
B. The Administrations.
The election of President and Vice-President, 1789211, 2
The oath of office taken by Washington217
Organization of Departments1818
The Cabinet, composed of heads of depts.221
The Cabinet responsible to the President[6]222, 3
The Treasury Department197
The first revenue bills181
Establishment of mint and coinage185, 6
Census of 1790123
Provisions for U. S. and State debts182
61
The National Bank, broad and strict construction1818
Legislation on western lands432
Admission of Vermont and Kentucky431
The Whiskey Insurrection23
1815
221
Washington’s refusal to receive Genet23
Jay’s Treaty222
Case of Chisholm vs. GeorgiaAmendment 11
Threatened war with France1811, 12, 13,14
Naturalization act184
Sedition lawAmendment 1
Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions,Preamble.
the nature of the government1818
62
Amendments 9, 10.
Organization of the District of Columbia1817
Election of 1801212
Amendment 12.
Adams’s “midnight judges”189
222
Case of Marbury vs. Madison321
Impeachment of Chase24
125
136, 7
Louisiana Purchase222
1818
Cumberland Road appropriation187, 18
Burr’s trial331, 2
323
Prohibition of slave trade191
Embargo Act183
Clay as Speaker125
Action of New England States as regards militia1815, 16
New England opposition to War of 1812,Preamble.
and Hartford Convention1818
62
Amendments 9, 10.
Treaty of Ghent (another method of negotiating treaties)222
Supreme Court decisions as to jurisdiction of States and Nation—Influence of Marshall321
Protective tariff, 1816181, 18
Internal improvement laws and vetoes187, 18
172
Missouri Compromise432
421
Election of 1824 by House of RepresentativesAmendment 12.
Nullification by South CarolinaPreamble.
1818
62
Amendments 9, 10.
Public lands432
Spoils system222
“Gag rule”Amendment 1.
Censure and expunging resolution153
Independent treasury1818
Succession of Tyler to Presidency215
Annexation of Texas by joint resolution173
Declaration of war against Mexico1811
Influence of patent and copyright systems188
Wilmot Proviso—Squatter sovereignty discussion432
Fugitive slave law423
Abolition of slave trade in District of Columbia1817
Personal liberty laws and underground railroad62
Amendments 6, 7.
Attempted expulsion of Brooks152
Dred Scott decision321
432
Lincoln-Douglas debates; election of U. S. Senator131
Secession and Buchanan’s policy—LegalPreamble.
position of seceding States1818
62
Amendments 9, 10.
Lincoln’s policy in reinforcing Ft. Sumter217
23
The U. S. army and navy, and the draft1812, 13, 15
221
Suspension of the writ of habeas corpus192
Congressional taxation and bonds acts181, 2
Legal tender act182, 5
Emancipation proclamation221
National bank act1818
Supreme Court decision on the nature of the UnionPreamble.
1818
62
Amendments 9, 10.
Civil Service Act222
Interstate Commerce and Anti-Trust Laws183
Income tax decision123
194
Reciprocity acts1811
Annexation of Hawaii173
222
Free coinage185
Restriction of Suffrage in SouthAmendment 14, Section 2.
Gold standard act, 1900185
Immigration laws183
Injunctions in labor disputes321
Postal Savings Banks187

Reports from the Historical Field

WALTER H. CUSHING, Editor.

OXFORD SUMMER SCHOOL.

The Oxford Summer School has two souls. The student feels the influence of each from the moment he enters the examination halls—nay, as he hurries down High Street, “the glorious High Street,” which Wordsworth’s sonnet has enshrined. In spite of the groups of foreigners talking together in their mother tongues as they too hasten towards the meeting, in spite of the single women who wear English boots, and speak with the English gentlewoman’s mellifluous voice, in spite of tall blonde German students arguing vociferously but good-naturedly, in spite of the whole one thousand three hundred men and women, who are gathering together for another renewed quickening in modern thought along educational lines, one feels a throng of ghosts pressing in upon him—ghosts of memories which surge as really as does the crowd itself. One feels the spirit of To-day and To-morrow taking hold of him and the spirit of Yesterday whispering in his ears. One should be Janus-faced in Oxford, for the soul of the Past and the soul of Now beckon each in its own way. One cannot turn a corner of the high walls, or pass through a gateway, or wander through a cloister, without feeling the ineffable beauty of the past, the intangible glory of the days of Wolsey and Cranmer and Cromwell and Reginald Pole, or the later gorgeousness of Charles I and the army of Royalists who held high carnival here before their downfall. Men who have made modern thought possible, poets, essayists, historians, scientists, one touches the influence of their work at every step, as well as meeting them face to face from their portraits upon the walls of college banqueting halls or chapter houses. Everywhere one feels even a still greater power, the ecclesiastical domination, which in early days peopled this glorious city with its monks, friars, priests and bishops. One’s imaginations runs riot as he peers from a cloister walk, when the chimes are jangling. He all but sees the Benedictine Friars, and he does not need to await their coming across the soft, velvety green, under the spreading limes, or oaks, they are there, their breviaries in their hands, their heads bowed.

But while the student conjures up the men who made Oxford in the thirteenth, and fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries, the men of the twentieth century are pressing against him with human force, and he finds himself crossing High Street once more with the surging crowd. He has learned to differentiate the members of the school still further. This group are Swedes; and another Danes; those men, with a scattering of women, are Socialists; the bevy of black-eyed, red-cheeked girls come from France; they are trying in three weeks to rub up their convent English. Then there are so many round-faced, round-bodied German fraus, the embodiment of comfortableness, who have come over with their theoretical husbands. And surely some of these German students seem to need just such “help-mates” to keep them attached to earth. As one sits in the gallery of the Sheldonian Theater one almost feels that a map of the social world lies below, and that the little groups of persons are types of the great nations themselves: the eager nations of Europe and America, the live nations which are searching after the solution of world-problems.

The Oxford Summer School of 1909 has undertaken to present courses in three major subjects: the contribution of medieval and modern Italy to world-civilization is its history course. In economics the discussion of industrial problems and trades-unions is drawing together large audiences, and arousing intense interest. Methods of education which shall bring a quickening to the professional world itself is a third line of thought. In connection with the historical course, the literature, science and art each finds a large place. Perhaps no former summer school has offered a more concrete and wisely-arranged program than that of this year’s summer meeting in Oxford. The delegacy has so arranged the courses that an intensity of thought gives an opportunity for most remarkable concentration in data. Three weeks is but a very short time for one to attend lectures, especially if the lectures are scattering, a subject here and a subject there. But this concentration of interest upon medieval and modern Italy, this intensive study of Dante and his contemporaries, this presentation of Italian thought, government and politics, as well as Italian art and society, give a continuity and a rounding out to the subject presented.

To illustrate the wisdom of the delegacy. The summer meeting was opened by an address by the Italian Ambassador, Marquis Di Guiliano, and from the opening words of this Italian diplomat to the present writing, the summer meeting has kept to the thought which the orator himself presented, our inheritance from Italy.