19. Sterilization and Euthanasia—Dr. Orth and myself.
20. Conspiracy and Control Council Law No. 10—Dr. Haensel, Dr. Doetzer, and Dr. Wandschneider.
May I now begin making my statement for the defendant Schlegelberger?
Presiding Judge Brand: Do you have that in the translated form for us? We have it, thank you.
C. Opening Statement for the Defendant Schlegelberger[73]
Dr. Kubuschok: If, in my statement concerning the defense in general,[74] I have just pointed out that the administration of justice in the National Socialist State cannot be judged separately but must be judged in the light of the whole administration of the Reich and its head, the dictatorship, I shall have to refer thus in defending the defendant Schlegelberger again and again to his personality, quite apart from dealing with the objective facts as propounded by the prosecution in order to judge and interpret actions in their proper light.
Franz Schlegelberger was, after many years of service to both the administration of justice and the jurisprudence, already Under Secretary when Hitler came to power. He kept this position until August 1942 when Hitler, according to his pronouncements wanted to build up a National Socialist administration of justice. Schlegelberger had always been dealing with civil law. We will outline this, his activity, in general. When in January 1941 after the death of the Minister of Justice Guertner, he took over the administration of the Ministry of Justice as the then oldest Under Secretary according to rank, so to speak; only then did he, in this position, and to the extent of that position, have to deal with criminal cases.
If the prosecution on account of this, his position, has indicted him on these individual counts and included him in the common legal framework of conspiracy, the defense will first of all show that Control Council Law No. 10 does not provide a legal basis for an indictment of conspiracy to war crimes and crimes against humanity. My colleague, Dr. Haensel, responsible for the entire defense, has taken over this subject and will make the necessary statements and put forward motions. In addition, I, myself, will submit sufficient evidence to prove that with a person of Schlegelberger’s caliber, conspiracy and violent thinking are incompatible. I shall submit proof, as to his basic attitude during the whole of his tenure of office, that he could never have either favored or promoted principles of violent thinking, that on the contrary, all his activities were aimed at preventing or at least modifying the course set by Hitler’s dictatorship. We shall see, how he wrestled with the opposing forces of the Party, and how unequally distributed the powers were, and how his defensive attitude was breached but forcibly. We shall learn how much Hitler had always disliked the administration of justice and its expert administrators, and that, at a time, when not only the whole of the administration in Germany but also the entire public life, even to a certain extent private life, had already been “coordinated” and shaped according to National Socialist ideas. On 20 August 1942, he had to realize the fact that he had to build up a “National Socialist administration of justice.” Does this not constitute the truest judgment of Schlegelberger that he be judged by a man, who after all, was best qualified to judge? Is it not evident that the administration of justice under Guertner and Schlegelberger had done their utmost to face the avalanche? Is Hitler not best qualified to testify against the charges brought by the prosecution, namely that Schlegelberger had lent himself to the carrying out of National Socialist ideas of violence as personified by Hitler?
With this point of view in mind we shall have to judge the defendant Schlegelberger: A man, known to us only by his work, performed with integrity, and whose activities, viewed from National Socialist aspects, Hitler criticized in the above-mentioned way both in his Reichstag speech on 26 April 1942 and in his decree of 20 August 1942. Such a person has a right to point out: “The charges brought by the prosecution which superficially regarded, appear to be against me, and the charges that the prosecution has brought against me in order to incriminate me for my 10 years of service as Under Secretary cannot be judged as isolated facts and without considering motives but must be evaluated as a whole.” Thus, we will best be able to gain breathing space after the speech of the prosecution, which is necessary in order to reach impartial judgment and which culminates in the conclusion that Schlegelberger “had indeed played a prominent part in the destruction of German law,” a reproach which he rightly rejects: with which also the statement of the British Broadcasting Corporation on the occasion of his retirement from office in August 1942, namely, that with Schlegelberger, the last judge in Germany, had disappeared—is incompatible.
Schlegelberger, under secretary for civil law, certainly knew how to supervise the orphaned Ministry of Justice for a year and a half in an administrative capacity. The one who succeeded him, his appearance already threateningly forecast, and to the stemming of whose course Schlegelberger devoted his whole self, escaped judgment. The aspect of being the representative [Gesichtspunkt der Repraesentanz] which obviously has influenced the prosecution essentially, has to be disregarded.