The nitrogen fixation plants of the I.G. undoubtedly demand the same critical examination. These plants were built almost entirely for war purposes, for the production of ammonia to be oxidised to nitric acid. Ammonium nitrate also resulted. These substances are the mainstay of explosives warfare, and, as a matter of fact, their production in these very plants was the chief factor which enabled Germany to continue the war beyond 1915.
Under the simple reading of the Treaty clauses, the plants should "be destroyed or rendered useless." Here, possibly, strong arguments will be advanced by Germany for the retention of the plants for the purpose of fertilising her own soil. The argument is strong, for the impoverishment of German soil has been such as to demand, theoretically, enormous tonnages of ammonium sulphate. But it is vital, for the stability of peace, that this unique capacity for producing explosives must not remain the monopoly of any one country. It is the expressed intention of certain governments outside Germany to foster the nitrogen fixation enterprise. If, then, we admit the immunity of these German plants from the Treaty, for strong agricultural reasons, we must not allow Germany to use this privilege as a military advantage.
In other words, if we yield to such arguments it must be on two conditions. In the first place, the plants to evade the Treaty clauses must be proved necessary for German agriculture. Secondly, the products of the untouched plants must be used for this purpose and no other. As far as we know, no attempt has been made to apply the Treaty to the nitrogen fixation plants, and their products, instead of being mainly used for agriculture on German soil, have served as a deliberate weapon against the growing chemical industries of other countries.
Indeed, the figures at our disposal would indicate that even if the full demands of German agriculture were met, the plants built and projected leave a big margin which can only find outlet by export or military use. According to the Frankfurter Zeitung of November 23rd, 1919, the total consumption of nitrogenous material by Germany was, in 1913, as follows:
Tons
Source and Nature Tons Calculated as
Nitrogen
Chili Saltpetre 750,000 116,000
Ammonium Sulphate 460,000, 92,000
Norwegian Nitrate 35,000 4,500
Calcium Cyanamide 30,000 6,000
Haber Ammonium Sulphate
(by Fixation) 20,000 4,000
———-
Total 222,500
The same journal, October 18, 1919, states the capacity of the finished Haber plants to be equivalent to 300,000 tons of nitrogen per annum, and the total consumption of the old German Empire was thus less than the amount available from one source alone, i.e. nitrogen fixation by the Haber process. But other pre-war German sources of nitrogen, expanded by the war, will easily contribute their pre-war quota. We can therefore very safely assume German capacity of above 400,000 tons of nitrogen per annum, approximately twice the pre-war consumption. It is exceedingly unlikely that Germany will actually consume such a quantity. In any case, a large excess is now deliberately used to recapture world chemical markets, and this, as explained above, should be dealt with under the Treaty even if special immunity be afforded the capacity required for home purposes. We are indeed entitled to ask, what is being done on this vital matter?
Article 170 prohibits the importation of munitions of every kind into Germany. Considered from the point of view of chemical munitions, this clause shows a complete failure to understand the situation. Far from importing, possession of the I.G. leaves Germany the greatest potential exporter of chemical munitions in the whole world. Further, it is not improbable that countries outside Germany may encourage her in munitions production for export. Lord Moulton stated in a speech at Manchester in December, 1914: "Supposing our War Minister had been in the last few years buying in the cheapest market for the sake of cheapness, and that he had had the munitions of war manufactured by Krupp's of Essen. Gentlemen, I think he would have been lynched about three months ago."
We have fallen far from the inspired resolution of those days! Knowing the true war significance of the I.G. as a second Krupp, if we fail to establish our own organic chemical industries, that warning may become a prophecy.
Article 171 forbids the manufacture of asphyxiating gases and analogous materials in Germany.
Has this clause any value unsupported by definite measures of control? With such an enormous capacity of rapidly convertible production, need Germany consider the production of these chemicals during peace? Once engaged in war, what is the value of the prohibition? True, failure would imply penalties for the specific breach of the Treaty. But a similar breach of International Convention is already involved, and admitted in the first phrase of Article 171: "The use of poison gases being prohibited, etc."