The information embodied almost everything pertaining to the strike, and over an hour was consumed in its reading. Telegrams sent out to strike leaders by President Debs were submitted but contained no startling facts.
One of these addressed to H. E. Sarion, Garrett, Ind., read as follows: "Have all classes of employes withdrawn from service at once." Another to Charles Fink, Oakland, Cal., says: "Commit no violence." Mr. Debs' communication to the railway managers suggesting a settlement of the strike was incorporated in the information as was also the question of Chicago public health in the matter of removing dead animals from the city. Several newspaper interviews and a copy of the original injunction issued by Judges Wood and Grosscup was also contained therein, and after Peck of the Santa Fe had sought to bolster up the information with an argument, Mr. Gregory urged that the defendants had not been charged with violence, and declared that it was his belief that the testimony should be taken by a master. Mr. Walker opposed this in favor of a hearing in open court and was sustained. This led up to a long legal wrangle participated in by both sides, and a fiery speech by Mr. Irwin of the defence, in which he denied the jurisdiction of the court, and hinted at monarchy and dictatorial methods. Mr. Walker pressed his motion that the defendants be placed under bonds to appear before the court and Judge Seaman fixed the bail in each case at $3,000. Mr. Debs, declining a score of offers from prominent men to furnish the necessary security, decided to go to jail. In reply to a question Mr. Debs said: "This is the first time in my life that I have been incarcerated in a jail, but with us it is a matter of principle. We have had many offers of bail but have refused them all. The poor striker if arrested would be thrown into jail and we are certainly no better than he, we will eat regularly, prison fare, and expect to be treated as any other prisoners would be."
Their trial was set for the following Monday.
CHAPTER XV.
BLACKLISTING BEGINS.
The strike situation was now in the balance. The managers and their faithful allies the press, had given it out that the strike was off. One fact that could not be denied, was that P. M. Arthur, of the General Managers Association,—though still representing the engineers—was doing great work for the companies, as the engineers were returning to work pretty generally throughout the country. Sargent of the firemen was also playing his cards well, but not meeting with the same success as the "grand old chief." Wilkinson of the trainmen was sending out his orders and ultimatums, thick and fast and his men were now fast returning to their old positions.
It was now a question of whether the men would prove loyal to themselves and their best interests, or loyal to the companies who were putting forth their best efforts to trample them to earth, and it is a painful fact that many of them were so blinded to their own interests,—through their craven cowardice—that they returned to work, and, to what will be in the near future beyond a question of a doubt, longer hours, less wages, and the complete annihilation of all semblance of rights.
The strike was fast resolving itself into a switchmen's fight against the railroads. The yards were in the worst imaginable shape, and the engines were sadly in need of repairs. Shopmen, freight handlers, trackmen, and car-repairers were still out. Office men were now back at work with the exception of a few. The majority of the strikers were still loyal to the cause and the American Railway Union was sure of winning. The Knights of Labor did not respond to the call of Grand Master Workman Sovereign as generally as was expected, and the Federation of Labor had decided not to strike at present, perhaps this may be accounted for by the reports given out by the general managers that the strike was off and trains running as usual.