The Pullman boycott

by W. F. Burns

This result was wired to Chicago, and Director Goodwin was sent out to see what could be done. His efforts were fruitless. The road was again canvassed with the same result, and Goodwin returning to Chicago, Mr. Burns, another director of the Union, was sent to take his place, but with no better success.

They positively refused to strike. The traitors with the price of their treachery in their pockets had been there first and accomplished their purpose.

The damnable traitors responsible for the raising of the blockade were also responsible for the suffering and untold misery of the noble men whose sympathetic hearts went out to their brothers in Pullman, and who without money were obliged to leave their homes (in many cases only partly paid for) and seek employment elsewhere in order to provide for their families.

The switchmen in the employ of the Milwaukee road at Minneapolis, now—fearing that the treachery of the men on the Great Northern Line would lose the strike in the Northwest—applied for their positions, and all who were wanted were taken back. The men who were employed by the Omaha Railway at East St. Paul, took the same course, but all others declared their intention of standing out until the American Railway Union called off the strike.

Disasters seemed to follow one another in rapid succession at this time. In many places the weak-kneed men were applying for work and circulating false stories to induce others to do the same. The news went flashing over the wires that Debs, Howard, Rogers and Kelliher were in jail. But this news did not have the depressing effect on the men that was expected, in fact it only caused a feeling of indignation and the strikers were now more determined than ever to stand up for their rights and fight out the battle with renewed energy.

In making this statement I do not refer to the poltroons who were continually raising the cry: We are lost, but I refer to the noble men who spoke from their manly hearts, and with words of no uncertain sound declared their intention to go down to defeat if need be with those grand, noble, generous hearted men, who signified their willingness to rot in jail, or even mount the scaffold in defence of the just and righteous cause they had wrapped their lives in.

Could it be charged that they were actuated by selfish motives in the cause in which they had enlisted? No! A thousand times no! If Eugene V. Debs could be induced to turn his magnificent executive abilities over to the railroads instead of the poor enslaved workingmen, these corporations would place him upon the highest pinnacle of plutocratic fame, and no one can dispute George W. Howard's title to being a workingman's friend, for by his actions on more than one occasion he has proven himself to be a friend indeed, and actions speak louder than words.

Yes; the four officers of the American Railway Union were in jail. United States Attorney Milchrist appeared before Judge Seaman in the United States district court on the morning of July 17, and on behalf of the government filed information presented by George R. Peck, who represented the general managers and receivers of the Santa Fe system.

In response to the prayer of the district attorney, Judge Seaman issued writs of attachment for the appearance of Debs, Howard, Rogers and Kelliher, directing them to be present at the afternoon session of the court and show causes why they should not be punished for contempt in continuing to disregard the injunction of the court. W. W. Erwin, of St. Paul, W. A. Shoemaker and S. S. Gregory, of Chicago, were retained to defend the men on behalf of the American Railway Union. The voluminous information made up of telegrams, copies of injunctions, etc., was read by Attorney Milchrist, after which the court ruled that two separate attachments be issued and separate records be kept.

Mr. Gregory stated that he failed to see why the government should interfere to protect property rights of railroads, and this called forth a retort from Mr. Walker that Uncle Sam was seeking to protect only the interstate commerce and the mails and not the railroad property.