A History of Oregon, 1792-1849 / Drawn From Personal Observation and Authentic Information

by W. H. Gray

“Reports accepted.

“It was moved that there be a standing committee on finance, which was lost, as the vote at Champoeg had directed that the finance of the government should be by subscription and voluntary contribution.

“Adjourned to 1.30 P. M.

“House called to order by Speaker.

“On motion, house went into committee of the whole upon reports of committees, Gray in the chair. It was soon found that the business before the committee of the whole was not in a shape to be properly acted upon, and that by an open and informal meeting of the members, it could be brought into shape for action, or rather that the several members of the different committees had not had a full expression upon the reports that were before them, and these expressions could be shortened by separate committee consultation and agreement among the members of the several committees; hence an adjournment of one hour was agreed upon.

“At the close of the hour the house met and agreed, went into committee of the whole as to the number of districts. The report of the committee accepted, as amended in committee of the whole.”

The question arises here why did not this committee on districts, and the whole Legislative Committee, specify all north of the Columbia River?

It will be remembered that the Hudson’s Bay Company, with all the influence and votes they, with the priests, could collect, had met the settlers at Champoeg on the 2d of May previous, and opposed the entire organization; and the French priest had sent to the Legislative Committee a protest against any organization; at least the districting committee was aware that such would be the case, as the protest already given was in the hands of Le Breton, the secretary of the committee, and of the whole house. In specifying the districts beyond the limits named, or north of the Columbia, the additional votes and personal influence of the company would be thrown against us. The district committee contended that that influence and vote would defeat us, and make us an English or Hudson’s Bay Company settlement. We could, without the interference of the company, manage our own affairs with such of the French settlers as chose to remain and vote with us. Such as did not like our laws could have a place to which they could continue their allegiance. Besides, we were confident we should receive a large immigration in the fall, and in that case we could extend our settlements and districts and laws to that section of the country.

Another prominent, and perhaps the most prominent reason of all was, we were afraid to attempt to enforce any laws we might wish to adopt, or think necessary among ourselves, upon the servants of the company. We did not acknowledge their right to enforce any English laws over us, and we, as the writer thought then, and still thinks, wisely concluded if they would not openly interfere with us, we would not openly interfere with them, till we were strong enough to outnumber and control them, as will hereafter be clearly demonstrated.

The journal of the proceedings of that committee shows that there were frequent short adjournments. These moments were all occupied in discussing and agreeing upon some report that was soon to be acted upon, and in coming to a unanimous vote as to the final result; there was but one thought and but one object with the majority of the members of the Legislative Committee.

That thought and object was, to establish the provisional government they had undertaken to organize. They felt that union in their action was absolutely necessary, as the opposing elements were so strong, that without it we must fail, and subject ourselves and the settlement to the worst possible tyranny and humiliation from Dr. White and the Hudson’s Bay Company.

After the second recess, during the second day, the report of the military committee was before the house and instructions asked. Newell was opposed to any military arrangements at all. Hubbard was undecided. Gray insisted on carrying out the instructions and ideas of the meeting of the 2d of May in regard to military officers that had been appointed at that meeting, and in preparing rules to govern them in organizing and drilling the men. He was unwilling to leave the military power without any responsibility to any one but themselves; hence instruction was asked, and given, to proceed as indicated in the meeting at Champoeg, and prepare a military law, to be included in the articles of organic compact.

“May 18, 1843.—House met pursuant to adjournment. Session was opened by prayer. Minutes of yesterday’s session read, corrected, and accepted.

“Robert Newell moved, and was seconded, that a committee be appointed to prepare a paper for the signature of all persons wishing an organization.”

The reader is already informed of the appearance of the French protest, and that it was in the possession of Le Breton. It is possible that Newell may have received it from the French priest. The writer has never been able to learn the exact facts in the case. At all events Newell’s resolution shows, that however willing and ready he was to commence the organization of an American government with his adopted countrymen, he is now in doubt as to the propriety of the step he, with others, had undertaken.

He presents a resolution to get up a committee to prepare a paper to circulate among the people, to find out who were in favor of the organization we were then attempting to bring into shape, under the instructions already received.