Perhaps the reader will understand Mr. Newell better if he is more fully informed as to his real genealogy, as there has always been a little doubt whether he belonged to the American or British nation. From the best information we could get about him, he was formerly from Cincinnati, Ohio, and the Rocky Mountains. From the earliest history we have of him, he has claimed to be an American, and represented the interests of a foreign monopoly, under a religious belief that he was conscientiously right in so doing. By keeping himself talking strong American sentiments to Americans, and acting strongly anti-American while in the mountains and in the settlement, he succeeded in obtaining and holding positions to benefit the trade of the Hudson’s Bay Company; also a place in the Legislative Committee, and in the settler’s government, to shield and protect those who were seeking the destruction of all American trade and influence in the country. He was a man of quite ordinary ability, yet smooth and insinuating in his manners, with a great abundance of plausible stories, to make a stranger believe he was learned in a profession. His real sentiments could never be learned except by his vote; his thoughts only read by his acts, which always tended to complicate and confuse legislation. This probably arose from a disposition to seek popularity and places he was incompetent to fill; as, also, from the title he assumed in early life, it naturally made him a hypocrite in action as well as profession. He had not the moral principle requisite to make known the truth, and to assume his proper position and be regarded as a plain man without a title. As plain Bob Newell he could be respected for his natural and genial talent. As Dr. Newell he assumes an air to correspond with the title, and shows the hypocrisy of his life. He was at this time, and has continued to be, a faithful representative of the Hudson’s Bay Company and Jesuit interests in the country, for which service they should enter his name upon their calendar of saints. As a public man, we are not aware that he ever originated a single act or law; but as representing a clique, or the interests of his masters, he has always been ready to do his utmost in every possible way. At the time we were called to vote upon Mr. Newell’s first resolution, his position was fully known to but few, yet enough was understood of his duplicity to reject his proposition at once, and the house proceeded to amend its rules and add a ninth to those already adopted.
The report of the military committee was recommitted with instructions for further notion. Mr. Hubbard was considerably under the influence of Newell, and in consequence of this fact the military rules or laws were remodeled in committee of the whole. Newell and Hubbard were disposed to defeat it altogether as unnecessary, as intimated in the tenth proposition in the French priest’s address. In fact, Mr. Newell acted all through the proceedings of the Legislative Committee upon the ideas contained in that address, and opposed all measures looking beyond the suggestions contained in it.
At this point, the judiciary committee, consisting of Beers, Hubbard, and Shortess, reported in part on the executive power, and opened the eyes of Dr. Newell to the awful responsibility and to a full realization of the fact that a majority of the committee were in favor of an organization, and a real, actual American government. He took the floor and commenced: “Wall, reelly now, Mr. Chairman, this ’ere report is a stumper, I see from the report of this ’ere committee that you are going on a little too fast. I think you had better find out if we can carry this thing through before we go too far. We have a good many people that don’t know what we are about, and I think we had better adjourn before we go too far.”
In the midst of this speech, which was a repetition of the reasons for getting up the paper to find out who were favorable to our proposed government, the house was so uncourteous as to adjourn and leave the balance of Dr. Newell’s speech unrepeated. Suffice it to say, that in those short adjournments as noted in the Oregon archives, nearly or quite all the little differences of opinion were quickly explained and understood by a majority of the members. The exact subjects that were before them at the several meetings we have no documents to indicate, and we can only be governed by such documents as we have, to wit, the record and our own memory.
Newell was the only prominent opposer of the report of the judiciary committee, which was prepared by Robert Shortess, to whose memory we are indebted for a remarkable speech of Hon. Mr. Robert Newell on that occasion. Mr. Shortess says the discussion was on the question of who should be deemed voters. Most of the committee were in favor of universal suffrage, and, as Dr. Newell had a native wife, naturally supposed he would be quite as liberal as those who had full white families; but the doctor gave us one of his “stumpers,” or, as he calls it, “big fir-tree speeches,” by saying: “Wall, now, Mr. Speaker, I think we have got quite high enough among the dark clouds; I do not believe we ought to go any higher. It is well enough to admit the English, the French, the Spanish, and the half-breeds, but the Indian and the negro is a little too dark for me. I think we had better stop at the half-breeds. I am in favor of limiting the right to vote to them, and going no further into the dark clouds to admit the negro.”
We confess that till Mr. Shortess reminded us of this speech, and the manner of its delivery, it had escaped our memory, and that, without it, Mr. Newell could scarcely receive his proper position in the history of our early struggle for American liberty upon this coast. His position and the patronage he received from the Hudson’s Bay Company were sufficient for him to work effectually in their interests through all our struggle.
“At the evening session of May 18, the committee on ways and means were instructed to prepare a subscription for presenting at the general meeting, to procure funds to defray the expenses of the government, after spending a short time in committee of the whole.
“Adjourned till next day.
“May 19, 1843.—House met pursuant to adjournment. Opened with prayer. Moved that the minutes of the 18th be accepted. Taking the whole subject of the organization into consideration, Gray presented the following resolution that a committee of three be appointed to prepare and arrange all the business that has been done, or may be done hereafter at this session, revising statutes of Iowa, etc., report at the next session of the committee, and request the clerk to copy the same.
“Resolution adopted.
“Messrs. Gray, Beers, and O’Neil were appointed; these three living within fifteen miles of each other, it was thought could meet and superintend and revise the whole proceedings, and get them in shape for the public meeting.
“Committee of ways and means reported a subscription, which was accepted, and the military committee reported in part, which was accepted.
“Adjourned to 2 P. M.
“At 2 P. M. house met. The judiciary committee reported in full. Report accepted.”
On the 20th page of the archives, and in reference to the proviso in the fourth article of the organic law, the record does not give us the fact. The proviso referred to was prepared but not included in the original act, as reported and read at Champoeg, but was adopted at Champoeg. The report was duly referred to the revising committee, and the proviso left in the hands of Le Breton to be withheld or presented, as the occasion might require, in the final action of the people. The large pretensions to lands by the Methodist and Catholic missions were fully understood by the entire committee. They wished to curtail them as much as possible, and were fully aware that any direct action to this end would bring the whole influence of both missions against them.