- BOOK III
- CHAPTER I
HOW TO DISCRIMINATE BETWEEN THE PARTS CONTRIBUTED TO A JOINT PRODUCT BY THE FEW AND BY THE MANY- Mill declares that when two agencies are essential to producing an effect, their respective contributions to it cannot be discriminated • [197]
- Mill argues thus with special reference to land and labour; • [198]
- but he overlooks what in actual life is the main feature of the case • [198]
- The labour remaining the same, the product varies with the quality of the land • [198]
- The extra product resulting from labour on superior land is due to land, not labour • [199]
- This is easily proved by a number of analogous illustrations • [199]
- Mill errs by ignoring the changing character of the effect • [201]
- The case of labour directed by different great men is the same as the case of labour applied to different qualities of land. The great men produce the increment • [202]
- Labour, however, must be held to produce that minimum necessary to support the labourer, • [203]
- both in agriculture • [203]
- and in all kinds of production • [204]
- The great man produces the increment that would not be produced if his influence ceased • [204]
- Labour, it is true, is essential to the production of the increment also; • [205]
- but we cannot draw any conclusions from the hypothesis of labour ceasing; • [205]
- for the labourer would have to labour whether the great men were there or no • [206]
- The cessation of the great man’s influence is a practical alternative; the cessation of labour is not, • [206]
- as we see by frequent examples • [206]
- Thus the great man, in the most practical sense, produces what labour would not produce in his absence • [208]
- An analysis of practical reasoning as to causes generally will show us the truth of this • [208]
- For practical purposes the cause of an effect is that cause only which may or may not be present; • [209]
- as we see when men discuss the cause of a fire, • [210]
- or of the accuracy of a chronometer, • [210]
- or the causes of danger to a man hanging on to a rope • [211]
- But there is another means of discriminating between the products of exceptional men and ordinary men • [212]
- This is by an analysis of the faculties necessary to produce the product • [213]
- Are these faculties possessed by all, or by a few only? • [213]
- CHAPTER II
THE NATURE AND SCOPE OF PURELY DEMOCRATIC ACTION, OR THE ACTION OF AVERAGE MEN IN CO-OPERATION- Carlyle was wrong in his claim for the great man because he failed to note that his powers were conditioned by the capacities of the ordinary men influenced by him • [215]
- The socialists are wrong because, seeing that the many do something, they argue that they do everything • [215]
- What the many do is limited. We must see precisely what the limits are • [216]
- If a Russian conspirator employs a hundred workmen to dig what they think is a cellar, but is a mine for blowing up the Czar, • [216]
- the conspirator contributes the entire criminal character of the enterprise • [217]
- When a choir sings Handel’s music, Handel contributes the specific character of the sounds sung by them • [217]
- Let us turn to the facts of progress, • [217]
- and begin with economic progress and progress in knowledge • [218]
- In the case of economic progress we must apply the method of inquiring what is produced by labour with and without the assistance of the great man • [218]
- To the question of progress in knowledge we must apply the method of inquiring what faculties are involved in it • [219]
- These are faculties entirely confined to the few • [219]
- And now let us turn to political government • [220]
- What can the faculties of average men do when left to themselves? • [220]
- They can accomplish only the simplest actions, • [220]
- and formulate only the simplest demands • [221]
- The moment matters become at all complex the faculties of the exceptional man are required • [221]
- Now in any civilised country few governmental measures are really simple • [222]
- Exceptional men must simplify them for the many • [222]
- Thus the voice of the many, in all complex cases, echoes the voice of the few • [223]
- This, however, is not the end of the matter; • [224]
- for the details of governmental measures are not the whole of government • [224]
- The true power of democracy is to be seen in religious and family life • [224]
- Though the influence of the great man in religion is enormous, • [225]
- yet religions have only grown and endured because they touch the heart of the average man • [225]
- Christianity exemplifies this fact, • [225]
- and especially Catholicism • [226]
- The doctrines formulated by the aristocracy of Popes and Councils originated among the mass of common believers • [227]
- Theologians and councils merely reasoned on the materials thus given them • [228]
- Catholicism shows the great part played by the many so clearly, because the part played by the few is defined by it so sharply • [228]
- Catholicism, however, is only alluded to here because it illustrates the essential nature of truly democratic action • [229]
- Thus enlightened by it, let us turn back to family life • [230]
- Catholicism shows that democracy is a natural coincidence of conclusions • [231]
- The home life of a nation depends on the same coincidence, or on spontaneously similar propensities • [231]
- This truly democratic coincidence forces all governments to accommodate themselves to it • [233]
- The same democratic power determines the structure of our houses, • [233]
- and the furniture and other commodities in them, • [234]
- and indeed all economic products • [234]
- For though in the process of production the many are dependent on the few, • [235]
- (a fact which the powers of trade unionism do but make more apparent) • [235]
- yet it is the wants and tastes of the many which determine what shall be produced • [238]
- and though great men elicit these wants by first supplying them, • [239]
- the wants themselves must be latent in the nature of the many, and when once aroused are essentially democratic phenomena • [239]
- Thus though economic supply is aristocratic, economic demand is purely democratic • [240]
- The most gifted brewer cannot make the public drink beer they do not like • [241]
- Now in politics also there is a similar demand and supply; • [242]
- but the truly democratic demand in politics is not for laws • [242]
- The demand for laws is not the counterpart of a demand for commodities, for commodities are demanded for their own sake, laws for the sake of their results • [243]
- The demand for laws is like a demand that commodities shall be made by some special kind of machinery • [243]
- No one makes this latter demand. Economic demand is single; political demand is double • [244]
- Political democracy is vulgarly identified with the demand not for social goods, but for machinery • [244]
- But in so far as democracy is a demand not for goods but for machinery, it is not purely democratic • [245]
- The demands of the many are manipulated by the few • [245]
- Why, then, is democracy especially associated with the demand in which its power is least? • [246]
- Because it is the only sphere of activity in which the many can interfere with the machinery of supply at all; • [246]
- and they can interfere with it here because the effects of political government on life are less close and important than the effects of business management on business; • [247]
- and in any case the apparent power of the many is even here controlled by the few • [247]
- The power of the many is a power to determine the quality of civilisation and progress, not to produce them • [248]
- CHAPTER III
THE QUALITIES OF THE ORDINARY AS OPPOSED TO THE GREAT MAN- It will be objected that the conclusions reached in the last chapter derogate from the dignity of the average man • [250]
- But they do not really do so; • [251]
- for since the great man, as here technically defined, is the man who influences others so as to promote progress, • [251]
- the ordinary man, as opposed to him, need not be stupid • [252]
- He is merely the man whose talents do not increase the efficiency of other men • [252]
- Poets, in this technical sense, are ordinary men • [252]
- So are the most skilful manual workers, • [253]
- for very great manual skill does not promote progress or influence others, • [254]
- unless it can be metamorphosed into the shape of orders given to others • [256]
- Again, brilliance or charm in private life does not promote progress • [256]
- Therefore ordinary men, who do not promote progress, are not asserted to be lacking in high qualities • [257]
- Indeed, what is really interesting in human nature is the typical part of it, not the exceptional, • [258]
- as we may see by referring to art and poetry • [258]
- Average opinion also on social matters is for each class the wise opinion; • [259]
- and the average faculties shared by all are in one sense the test of truth • [259]
- Therefore in denying to the average man the powers that promote progress • [260]
- we are not degrading the average man. We are merely asserting that these powers form but a small part of life • [260]
- Socialists can object to this conclusion only because it establishes the claim of exceptional men to exceptional wealth • [262]
- They cannot have any theoretical objections to it, for they are beginning to recognise the importance of the exceptional man themselves, • [263]
- and only obscure the fact for purposes of popular agitation • [264]
- So far, however, as the reasoning of this book has gone already, no claim has been made for the great man to which socialists need object; • [264]
- for we have assumed that he keeps none of the exceptional wealth he makes, for himself, • [265]
- but that he works exactly on the terms the socialists would dictate to him • [266]
- It now remains to consider whether he would really do so • [266]
- CHAPTER I
- BOOK IV
- CHAPTER I
THE DEPENDENCE OF EXCEPTIONAL ACTION ON THE ATTAINABILITY OF EXCEPTIONAL REWARD, OR THE NECESSARY CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE MOTIVES TO ACTION AND ITS RESULTS.- Great men differ from ordinary men in degree only, not in kind, • [271]
- and the use of exceptional powers is conditioned like the use of ordinary powers • [272]
- Now let us take the most universal powers possessed by man, viz. those used in acquiring the simplest food • [272]
- Man’s powers in agriculture would be latent unless man wanted food and the earth’s surface were cultivable • [272]
- Thus the exercise of the simplest faculties depends on the want of some certain object, and the possibility of attaining it • [273]
- If this is true of the commonest faculties which aim at supplying necessaries, much more is it true of rare faculties which aim at producing superfluities • [273]
- Society, then, if great men are to work in it, must be so constituted as to make the reward they desire possible • [274]
- In so doing society makes a contract with its great men; • [274]
- and this is a contract which is being constantly revised • [275]
- The great men themselves are the ultimate fixers of their own price • [276]
- Here is the final proof that living great men, not past conditions, are the causes practically involved in progress • [276]
- Thus living great men are masters of the situation • [277]
- because no one can tell that they have exceptional powers till they choose to show them • [277]
- They cannot, therefore, be coerced from without, like ordinary workers • [278]
- They must be induced to work by a reward • [278]
- which they themselves feel to be sufficient • [279]
- Hence the great man’s character and requirements impress themselves on the structure of society • [279]
- This is what socialists constantly forget • [280]
- and they propose to equalise matters by not offering great men any exceptional reward • [281]
- They forget to ask whether, under these circumstances, great men would exercise or reveal their exceptional powers at all • [281]
- Exceptional rewards are essential to exceptional action • [282]
- We must inquire what the required exceptional rewards are • [283]
- CHAPTER II
THE MOTIVES OF THE EXCEPTIONAL WEALTH-PRODUCER- Socialists, though often forgetting the necessity of exceptional motives, often remember it, • [284]
- and endeavour to show that socialistic society would have sufficient rewards to offer to its great men, • [284]
- such as the pleasure of doing good, of excelling, and of receiving honour • [285]
- The fundamental question is, will such rewards as these stimulate great men to wealth-production? • [285]
- Is the enjoyment of exceptional wealth superfluous as a motive to producing it? • [286]
- If it is so, it is for the socialists to prove that it is so; • [286]
- for they themselves admit that it has not been so in the past, and is not actually so now • [287]
- Are there any signs, then, that the desire for exceptional wealth is beginning to lose its power? • [288]
- We shall find that the socialists themselves maintain just the contrary; • [288]
- for they appeal to the desire of each producer to possess all he produces as the most universal and permanent desire in man; • [289]
- and never questioned this so long as they believed that the sole producer was the labourer • [289]
- They questioned the doctrine only when they came to see that the great man is a producer also; and they confine their questioning to his case • [290]
- But if the labourer desires to possess what he produces, much more will the great man do so; • [290]
- for even if he gives away what he produces, he desires to possess it first • [291]
- There is no sign, therefore, that the desire for exceptional wealth is losing force as a motive • [292]
- Are, then, other desires acquiring new force as motives to wealth-production? • [292]
- Are the joys of excelling, of benefiting others, or of being honoured by others, doing so? • [293]
- The desire of these joys is a motive to certain kinds of exceptional conduct • [293]
- It is a motive to benevolent action and religious work; • [293]
- But neither of these is the same thing as wealth-production • [294]
- It is a motive to artistic production, certainly, • [294]
- and also to scientific discovery; • [295]
- and works of art are wealth, and scientific discovery is the basis of industrial progress; • [296]
- but great art forms but a small part of wealth, • [296]
- and artistic effort other than the highest is motived by the desire of pecuniary reward, • [297]
- whilst scientific discoveries, though made generally from the desire for truth, are applied to wealth-production because the men who apply them desire wealth • [297]
- What, however, of the fact that the desire for honour makes the soldier work harder than any labourer? • [298]
- Why, the socialists ask, should not the same desire make the great wealth-producer work? • [299]
- Mr. Frederic Harrison has urged a similar argument • [299]
- The answer to this is that the work of the soldier is exceptional; • [300]
- and we cannot argue from it to the work of ordinary life • [301]
- The fighting instinct is inherent in the dominant races, • [302]
- in a way in which the industrial instinct is not • [303]
- And even in war those who make the prolonged intellectual efforts required, ask for themselves other rewards besides honour • [303]
- Still more will the great wealth-producers do so • [304]
- There is therefore nothing to show that these other motives will supersede the desire of wealth • [304]
- What they really do, and what socialists fail to see, is to mix with the desire for wealth, and add to its efficiency • [304]
- As the desire of wealth has mixed with other desires in men like Bacon, Rubens, etc. • [305]
- For in saying that the desire of wealth is essential as a motive to wealth-production we do not mean the desire of wealth for its own sake, • [305]
- or for the sake of physical gratification • [306]
- This forms a small part of its desirability • [306]
- It is desired mainly as a means to power, and to those very pleasures which socialists offer instead of it • [307]
- The great wealth-producers, susceptible to the motives on which socialists dwell, will desire exceptional wealth all the more because of them • [308]
- It is argued, however, by semi-socialists that the actual producer may be allowed the income he produces, but that this must end with his life, and not be passed on to his family as interest on bequeathed capital • [309]
- It is claimed that this arrangement would coincide with abstract justice, • [310]
- for it is argued that all wealth which is not worked for must be stolen • [310]
- This is utterly untrue, as the case of flocks and herds shows us; • [311]
- but the chief producer of wealth that is not worked for is capital, which is past productive ability stored up and externalised • [311]
- The dart of a savage hunter, • [312]
- the manure heap or cart horse of a peasant, • [312]
- are forms of capital which actually produce, and the product belongs to those who own them • [313]
- The same is the case with such capital as engines and manufacturing plant • [313]
- These implements are like a race of iron negroes, and are producers as truly as live negroes would be • [314]
- Indirectly, wage capital is also a producer in the same way • [314]
- And indeed, till they saw that this argument could be turned against themselves, it was strongly urged by the socialists • [315]
- Practically, however, the justification of income from capital • [316]
- rests on the fact that the power of capital to yield income is what mainly makes men anxious to produce it; • [316]
- since if income-yielding capital could not be acquired and amassed, wealthy men could make no provision for their families, • [317]
- nor could wealth give pleasure to those who might at any moment be beggars • [318]
- Moreover, if incomes were not heritable, wealth would produce none of those social results, such as continuous culture, etc., which make it valuable • [319]
- The wealth that ceased with the men that actually made it would produce a society of beasts • [319]
- Wealth is desirable because it is the physical basis of an enlarged life; • [320]
- and there must thus be continuity in the possession of wealth • [320]
- Hence the great wealth-producer demands the possession not only of what he produces directly, but of what he produces indirectly through his past products • [321]
- The majority not only may, but do, acquire a share of the increment produced by the great man; • [322]
- but whatever this share may be, it can never be such as to make social conditions equal • [322]
- CHAPTER III
EQUALITY OF EDUCATIONAL OPPORTUNITY- The wealthy class, owing to inheritance, is always much more numerous than the great men actually engaged at any given time in production • [324]
- But though inheritance gives a certain permanence to the wealthy class, the families belonging to it are constantly, if slowly, changing, • [325]
- and new men are constantly forcing their way into it • [326]
- Indeed the wealth of the country depends on the men potentially great as producers actualising their talents and producing the wealth that raises them • [326]
- It is therefore obvious that the wealth will increase in proportion as these potentially great men have the opportunity of actualising their productive powers • [327]
- It is impossible, however, to make opportunities absolutely equal • [328]
- The question is how near we can approach to equality • [328]
- In a country where these opportunities have been made artificially unequal there will be room for a great deal of equalisation • [329]
- But removing artificial impediments is only a negative kind of equalisation • [329]
- It is probable, however, that for the development of genius of the highest order this is all that is needful, • [330]
- and will secure the development of all the genius of the highest kind that exists • [331]
- But genius of a lesser kind, which would else be lost, may, no doubt, be elicited by positive educational help from the State; • [332]
- though the amount of such genius is overestimated by reformers, because they confuse talents rare in themselves with accomplishments that are only rare accidentally • [332]
- The latter can be increased indefinitely, the former not • [333]
- For real productive genius there is always room, • [333]
- but the economic utility of mere accomplishments is limited by the conditions of production at the time • [333]
- Thus to produce more possible clerks than are wanted merely lowers the wages of those employed, without increasing the utility of those who are not employed • [334]
- Still, within limits, educational help from the State does much to increase the supply of exceptional, though not great, talent • [335]
- But the main difficulty involved in the equalising of educational opportunity is not the production of good results, but the avoidance of bad • [335]
- The bad results are the stimulating of discontent, not in average men, but in men who are really exceptional • [336]
- but those exceptional gifts are ill-balanced or have some flaw in them • [337]
- For if education sets free and stimulates sound intellectual powers • [337]
- it will similarly stimulate intellects that are not sound, • [338]
- or wills, with no intellect to match, and will generate a desire for wealth in men who are not capable of creating it, • [338]
- and thus will merely produce needless misery and mischief • [339]
- Education, again, stimulates faculties that can really produce exceptional results, but not results that are complete • [339]
- The progressive struggle requires that the intellects of some should be stimulated, whose efforts fail • [340]
- But those failures that promote progress are failures that partially succeed • [340]
- But there are abortive talents which produce failures that have no relation to success. Those talents are purely mischievous; • [341]
- for example, the failure of the would-be artist, • [341]
- or that of the man who popularises wrong medical treatment • [342]
- But the commonest example of this kind of man is the socialistic agitator, • [342]
- who demands the redistribution of wealth, whilst absolutely powerless to produce it, • [343]
- and who consequently invents false theories about its production, which do nothing but demoralise those who are duped by them • [343]
- (though even these theories can be discussed with profit under certain circumstances) • [344]
- Men like these embody the two chief dangers of the equalisation of educational opportunity, • [345]
- namely, the rousing in the average man wants he cannot satisfy, and the stimulating of talents that are constitutionally imperfect • [345]
- The latter of these dangers is the source of the former • [346]
- It cannot be completely avoided, but the present theories of education tend to heighten, not to minimise it • [346]
- The current theory that all talents should be developed is false, • [347]
- so is the theory that all tastes should be cultivated in all alike. The education proper for the rich is not a type but an exception • [347]
- These false theories rest on the false belief that equal education could ever produce equal social conditions • [348]
- The majority of each class will remain in the class in which they were born • [348]
- Only the efficiently exceptional can rise out of their own class, • [348]
- and it is the ambition of the efficiently exceptional only that it is really desirable to stimulate • [349]
- The average man should be taught to aim at embellishing his position, not at escaping from it • [349]
- CHAPTER IV
INEQUALITY, HAPPINESS, AND PROGRESS- The radical politician will object to the foregoing conclusions in terms with which we are familiar • [351]
- The radical theorist will put the same objections more logically. If the desire of exceptional wealth is really the strongest motive, he will say that it follows that most men, since they cannot all be exceptionally rich, must always remain miserable • [352]
- Now the first answer to this is that the fact that all men will never be equally wealthy does not prevent the conditions of all men from improving absolutely • [353]
- Another answer is that if inequality in the possession of the most coveted prizes of life implies misery amongst the majority, this evil would be intensified rather than mitigated by socialists, who would substitute unequal honour for unequal wealth • [354]
- The final answer is that the unequal distribution of wealth has no natural tendency to cause unhappiness; • [357]
- for men’s desires vary. There is equality of desire for the necessaries of life only; for this desire rests on men’s physical natures, which are similar; • [357]
- but the desire for superfluities depends on their mental powers, which vary • [358]
- The special appeal of luxury is mainly to the mind and the imagination— • [358]
- the luxury, for instance, of a large house, • [359]
- or sleeping accommodation in a train • [359]
- Consequently the desire for luxury and wealth, like the pleasure they give, depends on peculiar mental powers or peculiar mental states • [360]
- Amongst most men the desire for wealth is naturally a speculative desire only • [361]
- It implies no pain caused by the want of wealth • [361]
- The desire ceases to be speculative and becomes a practical craving only when the imagination is exceptionally strong, and a strong belief is present that the attainment of wealth is possible • [362]
- The desire for wealth, in fact, is in proportion to each man’s belief that by him personally it is attainable • [364]
- This belief is naturally confined to men with exceptional imaginations and exceptional productive powers • [365]
- It only becomes general by the popularising of false theories which represent wealth as attainable by all, without exceptional talent or exceptional exertion • [366]
- It is roused, for instance, in a man who suddenly is told that he has a legal right to an estate which previously he never thought of coveting • [366]
- The socialistic teaching of to-day creates a spurious desire for wealth by its doctrines of impossible rights to it • [367]
- The practical craving for wealth is naturally confined to those who have some talent for creating it, and the pain caused by its absence is naturally confined to such men • [368]
- The socialistic theories merely cause a barren and artificial discontent, • [368]
- which interferes with that harmonious progress on which the welfare of the many depends • [369]
- These theories make enemies of classes who would otherwise be allies, and the cause of true social reform suffers incalculable injury • [370]
- The object of the present work is to show the fallacy of the theoretic basis of existing socialistic discontent and socialistic aspirations; • [371]
- and to show that the many are not a self-existent power, • [372]
- but depend for all the powers they possess on the co-operation of the few, • [373]
- whose rights are as sacred, and whose power is as great, as their own • [375]
- The recognition of the fact that the relations and positions of classes can never be fundamentally altered • [376]
- (especially when we consider the facts of history to which Karl Marx drew attention) • [376]
- shows us not only how chimerical are the hopes of the socialists, but what solid grounds there are for the hopes of more rational reformers • [378]
- CHAPTER I
BOOK I
CHAPTER I THE FUNDAMENTAL ERROR IN MODERN SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY
The interest with which the world in general, throughout the middle portion of this century, has watched the progress of the various positive sciences, would, when we consider how abstruse these sciences are, seem strange and almost inexplicable if it were not for one fact. This fact is the close and obvious bearing which the conclusions of the sciences in question have on traditional Christianity, and, indeed, on any belief in immortality and the divine government of the world. The popular interest in science remains still unabated, but the most careless observer can hardly fail to perceive that the grounds of it are, to a certain extent, very rapidly changing. They are ceasing to be primarily religious, and are becoming primarily social. The theories and discoveries of the savant which are examined with the greatest eagerness are no longer those which affect our {4} prospects of a life in heaven, but those which deal with the possibility of improving our social conditions on earth, and which appeal to us through our sympathies, not with belief or doubt, but with the principles which are broadly contrasted under the names of conservative and revolutionary.
Such being the case, it is hardly necessary to observe that science itself has been undergoing a change likewise. The character of the change, however, requires to be briefly specified. From the time when geologists first startled the orthodox by demonstrating that the universe was more than six thousand years old, and that something more than a week had been occupied in the process of its construction, to the time, comparatively recent, during which the genius of Darwin and others was forcing on the world entirely new ideas with regard to the parentage, and presumably the nature of man, there was a certain limit—a certain scientific frontier—at which positive science practically stopped short. Having sedulously examined the materials and structure of the universe, until on the one hand it reached atoms and molecules, it examined, on the other, the first emergence of organic life, and traced its developments till they culminated in the articulate-speaking human being. It brought us, in fact, to man on the threshold of his subsequent history; and there, till very recently, positive science left him. But now there are signs all round us of a new intellectual movement, analogous to that which accompanied the rise of Darwinism, {5} and science once again is endeavouring to enlarge its borders. Having offered us an explanation of the origin of the animal man, it proposes to deal with the existing conditions of society very much as it dealt with the structure of the human body, to exhibit them as the necessary result of certain far-reaching laws and causes, and to deduce our civilisation of to-day from the condition of the primitive savage by the same methods and by the aid of the same theories as those which it employed in deducing the primitive savage from the brutes, and the brutes in their turn from primitive germ or protoplasm. In other words, the great triumph of science during what we may call its physical period has been the establishment of that theory of development which is commonly spoken of as Evolution, and the application of this to the problems of physics and biology. The object of science in entering on what we may call its social period is the application of this same theory to the problems of civilisation and society.
It is true that, if we use the word science in a certain sense, the attempt to treat social problems scientifically is not in itself new. Political economy, to say nothing of utilitarian ethics, is a social science, or it is nothing; and political economy had already made considerable advances when modern physical science had hardly found its footing. But before long physical science passed it, with a step that was not only more rapid, but also immeasurably firmer, and was presently giving such an example of what {6} accurate science is, that it was thought doubtful whether political economy could be called a science at all. The doubt thus raised cannot be said to have justified itself. In spite of all the attacks that have been made against the earlier economists, their principal doctrines survive to the present day, as being, so far as they go, genuine scientific truths. But whenever the thinker, who has been educated in the school of modern physical science, betakes himself now to the study of society and human action, and begins to apply to these the developed theory of evolution, though he does not reject the doctrines of the earlier economists, he sees them in a new light, by which their significance is profoundly changed. The earlier economists took society as they found it, and they reasoned as though what was true of the economic life around them must be absolutely and universally true of economic life always. Here is the point as to which the thinker of to-day differs from them. He does not dispute the truth of the deductions drawn by them with regard to society as it existed during their own epoch; but, educated by the methods and discoveries of the physical and biological evolutionist, he perceives that society itself is in process of constant change, that many economic doctrines which have been true during the present century had little application to society during the Middle Ages, and that centuries hence they may perhaps have even less. Thus, though he does not repudiate or disregard the economic science of the past, he {7} merges it in a science the scope of which is far wider and deeper. This is a science which primarily sets itself to explain, not how a given set of social conditions affects those who live among them, but how social conditions at one epoch are different from those of another, how each set of conditions is the resultant of those preceding it, and how, since the society of the present differs from that of the past, the society of the future is likely to differ from that of the present.
What political economy has thus lost in precision it has gained in general interest. So long as it merely analysed processes of production and distribution which it was assumed would always continue without substantial modification, political economy was mainly a science for specialists, and was little calculated to arouse any keen interest in the public. But now that it has been merged in that general science of evolution, which offers to an unquiet age what seems a scientific licence to regard as practically producible some indeterminate transformation in these processes, political economy has come to occupy a new position. Instead of being ignored or ridiculed by the more ardent school of reformers, and even neglected by conservatives as a not very powerful auxiliary, it has now been brought down into the dust of the general struggle, and is invoked by one side as the prophetess of new possibilities, and by the other as an exorcist of mischievous and mad illusions. And what is true in this respect with regard to political economy is {8} also true with regard to evolutionary social science as a whole. Social science as a whole, just like this special branch of it, is being brought into vital contact with the lives and hopes of man, and is exciting a popular interest strictly analogous to that which had been excited by physical and biological science previously.
It is doing this in two ways, which, though closely connected, are distinct. In the first place, it is directing our attention to the human race as a whole, and is showing us how society and the individual have developed in an orderly manner, growing upwards from the lowest and the most miserable beginnings to the heights of civilisation, intellectual, moral, and material, and how they contain in themselves the potency of yet further development. It thus offers to the mind a vast variety of suggestion with regard to the significance of man’s presence upon the earth, and is held by many to be supplying us with the materials of a religion calculated to replace that which physical science has discredited. The second way in which it excites popular interest is the way which has been just illustrated by a reference to political economy. For besides offering to our philosophic and religious faculties the vision of man’s corporate movement from a condition of helpless bestiality towards some “far-off divine event,” which glitters on us in the remote future, social science is suggesting to us changes which are of a very much nearer kind, and which appeal not to our speculative desire to discover some {9} meaning in the universe, but to the personal interest which we each of us take in our own welfare—such, for instance, as a general redistribution of wealth, the abolition or complete reorganisation of private property, the emancipation of labour, and the realisation of social equality.
This distinction between the speculative and practical aspects of social science has a special importance, which will be explained and insisted on presently. But it is here mentioned only to show the reader how strong a combination of motives is impelling the present generation—the conservative classes and the revolutionary classes equally—to transfer to social science the interest once felt in physical; and how strong is the stimulus thus applied to sociologists to emulate the diligence and success of the physicists and biologists, their predecessors. Nor have diligence, enthusiasm, or scientific genius been wanting to them. As has already been observed, they have transformed social science altogether by applying to it the doctrines of evolution which physical science taught them, and have thus organically affiliated the former study to the latter. This is in itself a triumph worthy of the enterprise that has achieved it. But they have done far more than borrow from physics this mere general theory. They have established between physical phenomena and social an enormous number of analogies, so close that the one set assists in the interpretation of the other. They have borrowed from the physicists a number of their subsidiary theories, their methods of grouping facts, and, above {10} all, their methods of studying them. In a word, they are endeavouring to follow the masters of physical science along the precise path which has led the latter to such solid and such definite results.